ANDRE PIERRE HAITIAN MASTER PAINTING Voodoo Spiritual Religious

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Seller: memorabilia111 ✉️ (807) 100%, Location: Ann Arbor, Michigan, US, Ships to: US, Item: 176280107221 ANDRE PIERRE HAITIAN MASTER PAINTING Voodoo Spiritual Religious. Vodou ethical standards correspond to its sense of cosmological order,[70] with a belief in the interdependence of things playing a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues. [71] Six months later, the National Convention, led by Maximilien de Robespierre and the Jacobins, endorsed abolition and extended it to all the French colonies. ANDRE PIERRE OIL PAINTING ON CANVAS MEASURING APPROXIMATELY 22X26 INCHES Self-taught, Haitian master painter André Pierre was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, in 1914 and passed away in 2005. He is considered one of Haiti's greatest artists and, as the pre-eminent painter of the Haitian spirits, the worthy successor of Hector Hyppolite. His artworks have been reproduced in many books on naive and religious art. He injects rhythms into his works through lines and colors, says Gérald Alexis in Peintres Haitiens.

Self-taught, Haitian master painter André Pierre was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, in 1914 and passed away in 2005. He is considered one of Haiti's greatest artists and, as the pre-eminent painter of the Haitian spirits, the worthy successor of Hector Hyppolite. His artworks have been reproduced in many books on naive and religious art. He injects rhythms into his works through lines and colors, says Gérald Alexis in Peintres Haitiens. Born in Haiti, André Pierre (1916–2005) lived in Croix-des-Missions at the outer edge of Port-au-Prince and developed his oeuvre as a self-trained artist and respected Vodou priest while also involved in agrarian cultivation. Drawing from the Vodou pantheon including Lwa (spirits of Haitian Vodou) such as Baron Samedi and Grand Bois, Pierre would often perform prayer and song while making his paintings. Vèvè symbols appear to leap from temple grounds into the midst of dense pictorial scenes, and ritual ceremonies are plotted in great detail in the midst of forests and ocean currents. In 1947, Pierre met filmmaker and poet-writer Maya Deren when she was filming Vodou rituals and dance in Haiti. Deren greatly admired his artistic approach and they soon forged a friendship. She went on to become an initiate at the Vodou temple where Pierre was practicing. Haitian art is a complex tradition, reflecting African roots with strong Indigenous, American and European aesthetic and religious influences. It is an important expression of Haitian culture and history. Many artists cluster in "schools" of painting, such as the Cap-Haïtien school, which features depictions of daily life in the city, the Jacmel School, which reflects the steep mountains and bays of that coastal town, or the Saint-Soleil School, which is characterized by abstracted human forms and is heavily influenced by "Vaudou" symbolism. Painting Centre d’Art The Centre d'Art is an art center, school and gallery located in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. It was founded in 1944 by American watercolorist DeWitt Peters and several prominent Haitians from the intellectual and cultural circles including: Maurice Borno, Andrée Malebranche, Albert Mangonès, Lucien Price, and Georges Remponeau.[1] Popular artists of this movement often were influenced by vaudou and include: André Pierre, Hector Hippolyte, Castera Bazile, Wilson Bigaud and Rigaud Benoit.[2] Haitian art is a type of artwork is often characterized by vivid colors, spatial composition and spontaneity of painting.[2] Saint Soleil School Saint Soleil School, also known as "Movement Saint-Soleil" was founded in 1973 as a rural arts community called Soisson-la-Montagne, in Pétion-Ville, Haiti.[3] This community was started by Jean-Claude Garoute and Maud Robart and they encouraged the academic study of painting, as well as maintaining influence by vaudou.[3] Saint Soleil art is characterized by abstract human forms and the heavy influence of vaudou symbolism. After Saint Soleil School disbanded, five remaining members of the school were renamed "Cinq Soleil" and include: Levoy Exil, Prosper Pierre Louis, Louisiane Saint Fleurant, Dieuseul Paul, Denis Smith.[3] A second generation member is Magda Magloire, the daughter of Louisiane Saint Fleurant. Artibonite artists The painters of the Artibonite department in north-western Haiti, where Hôpital Albert Schweitzer is located, have developed their own style, which is quite recognizable. The style began with Saincilus Ismaël (1940–2000), who was influenced by Byzantine art he had seen in books. Ismaël began to paint in 1956 after visiting the Centre d'Art in Port-au-Prince. His paintings are marked by exquisite detail. Every article of clothing, house, or tree is painted with a different intricate geometric pattern. Délouis Jean-Louis grew up in Petite Rivière under the influence of Ismaël. Although he worked under Ismaël for 15 years, he never had formal painting lessons. He began painting to make money, but gradually began to paint carefully executed scenes from his imagination. Alix Dorléus also learned to paint with Ismaël and Mrs. Mellon. He paints all day long and will paint anywhere he feels the spirit to motivate him. His best paintings are detailed depictions, like activity maps, of daily life in the Artibonite Valley. Ernst Louizor is considered one of the best impressionist painters of Haiti.[citation needed] Louizor was born in Port-au-Prince on 16 October 1938. After high school (Lycée Toussaint L'Ouverture '57), he worked in the tax section of Customs. Louizor's painting career began in 1951, when at the age of 13 he joined the Centre d'Art and studied under Wilmino Domond. He later entered the Académie des Beaux-Arts shortly after its founding in 1959 and furthered his studies with Georges Remponeau. Louizor has many disciples including his wife Gerda Louizor. He has exhibited in Europe and the United States. Diaspora outside of Haiti Notable artists of Haitian descent and members of the diaspora include Jean-Michel Basquiat, Hersza Barjon and Ernst Registre. Market painting Market painting is a Haitian archetype, originating with Laurent Casimir. It typically depicts a Haitian market and is done in the trademark colors of Casimir red, yellow and orange. The motive is often dense with people. These paintings were mass-produced by Laurent Casimir and his apprentices in the mid-1970s, all signed by Casimir.[4][non-primary source needed] This archetype is later taken up by contemporary Haitian artist like Jean-Louis, many of which studied under Laurent Casimir. Sculpture There is evidence that sculpture from the Tainos in Haiti existed in the Pre-Columbian era and they would create dolls, drawings, signs.[2] It is speculated by researchers that these sculptures may have been representing their deities (maybe the ancestors of the vèvè in vaudou).[2] Contemporary Haitian sculpture is made of natural materials, traditional art mediums, and recycled materials. "Haitian Steel Drum Sculpture" – The village of Noailles in Croix-des-Bouquets is home to more than a dozen artisan workshops producing countless pieces for over two decades. The work is created out of recycled oil drums. In August 2011, the Clinton Global Initiative along with Greif Inc., donated 40 tons of scrap metal to the artists in Croix-des-Bouquets. After the earthquake in 2010, artists had a difficult time finding material to work from. According to Deputy Jean Tholbert Alexis, 8,000 people in the area are directly or indirectly benefit from the villages' artisans.[5] Haitian flag-making The tradition of making flags (drapo servis) to decorate Vodou places of worship is a distinctive form of Haitian Vodou art. Flags most often commemorate specific spirits or saints, but the 2010 earthquake has become a common subject of art flags. The use of sequins in these flags became prevalent in the 1940s, and many of today's flags cover the entire flag in colored sequins and beads. These flags are traded as art by dealers around the world. 2010 Haiti earthquake On 12 January 2010 a devastating earthquake struck Port-au-Prince and its surrounding area and resulted in mass devastation.[6] The Haitian art world suffered great losses in the earthquake. Museums and art galleries were extensively damaged, among them Port-au-Prince's main art museum, Centre d'Art, where many art works were destroyed. The collection at Collège Saint Pierre also was devastated, as was the collection of priceless murals in the Holy Trinity Cathedral.[7] Some private art galleries were also severely damaged, including the Monnin Gallery in Pétion-Ville,[7] and the Nader Art Gallery and Musée Nader in Port-au-Prince. The personal collection of Georges Nader Sr, the Nader collection was worth an estimated US$30-US$100 million. Shortly after the earthquake struck, UNESCO assigned special envoy Bernard Hadjadj to evaluate damage to artwork.[8] The Smithsonian Institution, led by Under Secretary Richard Kurin, and with the assistance of the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince and the Government of Haiti among others, embarked on a multiyear project and survey to help restore key Haitian cultural treasures and train local Haitians on art preservation and recovery techniques.[9] Haiti (/ˈheɪti/ ⓘ HAY-tee; French: Haïti [a.iti]; Haitian Creole: Ayiti [ajiti]), officially the Republic of Haiti (French: République d'Haïti; Haitian Creole: Repiblik d Ayiti),[14] and formerly known as Hayti,[b] is a country on the island of Hispaniola in the Greater Antilles archipelago of the Caribbean Sea, east of Cuba and Jamaica, and south of The Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos Islands. It occupies the western three-eighths of the island which it shares with the Dominican Republic.[20][21] To its south-west lies the small Navassa Island, which is claimed by Haiti but is disputed as a United States territory under federal administration.[22][23] Haiti is 27,750 km2 (10,714 sq mi) in size, the third largest country in the Caribbean by area, and has an estimated population of 11.4 million,[24][25] making it the most populous country in the Caribbean and the 5th most populous country in North America. The capital is Port-au-Prince. The island was originally inhabited by the indigenous Taíno people, who originated in South America.[26] The first Europeans arrived on 5 December 1492 during the first voyage of Christopher Columbus.[27] Columbus subsequently founded the first European settlement in the Americas, La Navidad, on what is now the northeastern coast of Haiti.[28][29][30][31] The island was claimed by Spain and named La Española, forming part of the Spanish Empire until the early 17th century. However, competing claims and settlements by the French led to the western portion of the island being ceded to France in 1697, which was subsequently named Saint-Domingue. French colonists established lucrative sugarcane plantations, worked by vast numbers of slaves brought from Africa, which made the colony one of the richest in the world. In the midst of the French Revolution (1789–99), slaves, maroons, and free people of color launched the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), led by a former slave and the second black general of the French Army (the first being Thomas-Alexandre Dumas), Toussaint Louverture. After 12 years of conflict, Napoleon Bonaparte's forces were defeated by Louverture's successor, Jean-Jacques Dessalines (later Emperor Jacques I), who declared Haiti's sovereignty on 1 January 1804, leading to the massacre of the French. The country thus became the first independent nation of Latin America and the Caribbean, the second republic in the Americas, the first country in the Americas to eliminate slavery, and the only state in history established by a successful slave revolt.[32][33] Apart from Alexandre Pétion, the first President of the Republic, all of Haiti's first leaders were former slaves.[34] After a brief period in which the country was split in two, President Jean-Pierre Boyer united the country and then attempted to expand Haitian influence over the eastern part of Hispaniola, which eventually led to the Haitian–Dominican Wars. Haiti recognized Dominican independence in 1867, following their declaration in 1844. Haiti's first century of independence was characterized by political instability, ostracism by the international community, and the payment of a crippling debt to France. Political volatility and foreign economic influence in the country prompted the United States to occupy the country from 1915 to 1934. Following a series of short-lived presidencies, François 'Papa Doc' Duvalier took power in 1957, ushering in a long period of autocratic rule continued by his son, Jean-Claude 'Baby Doc' Duvalier, that lasted until 1986; the period was characterized by state-sanctioned violence against the opposition and civilians, corruption, and economic stagnation. After 1986, Haiti began attempting to establish a more democratic political system. Haiti is a founding member of the United Nations, Organization of American States (OAS),[35] Association of Caribbean States,[36] and the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. In addition to CARICOM, it is a member of the International Monetary Fund,[37] World Trade Organization,[38] and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. Historically poor and politically unstable, Haiti has the lowest Human Development Index in the Americas, as well as widespread slavery. Since the turn of the 21st century, the country has endured a coup d'état, which prompted U.N. intervention, as well as a catastrophic earthquake that killed over 250,000 people and a cholera outbreak. With its deteriorating economic situation, as well as recent calls by the IMF to cut fuel subsidies,[39] Haiti has been experiencing a socioeconomic and political crisis marked by riots and protests, widespread hunger, and increased gang activity.[40] As of February 2023, Haiti has no remaining elected government officials and has been described as a failed state.[41][42] Etymology Haiti (also earlier Hayti)[b] comes from the indigenous Taíno language, and means "land of high mountains";[43] it was the native name[c] for the entire island of Hispaniola. The name was restored by Haitian revolutionary Jean-Jacques Dessalines as the official name of independent Saint-Domingue, as a tribute to the Amerindian predecessors.[47] In French, the ï in Haïti has a diacritical mark (used to show that the second vowel is pronounced separately, as in the word naïve), while the H is silent.[48] (In English, this rule for the pronunciation is often disregarded, thus the spelling Haiti is used.) There are different anglicizations for its pronunciation such as HIGH-ti, high-EE-ti and haa-EE-ti, which are still in use, but HAY-ti is the most widespread and best-established.[49] In French, Haiti's nickname means the "Pearl of the Antilles" (La Perle des Antilles) because of both its natural beauty[50] and the amount of wealth it accumulated for the Kingdom of France.[51] In Haitian Creole, it is spelled and pronounced with a y but no H: Ayiti. Another theory on the name Haiti is its origin in African tradition, in Fon language one of the most spoken by the bossales (Haitians born in Africa), Ayiti-Tomè means: From nowadays this land is our land. In the Haitian community the country has multiple nicknames: Ayiti-Toma (as its origin in Ayiti Tomè), Ayiti-Cheri (Ayiti my Darling), Tè-Desalin (Dessalines' Land) or Lakay (Home). History Main article: History of Haiti Taino history The five caciquedoms of Hispaniola at the time of the arrival of Christopher Columbus The island of Hispaniola, of which Haiti occupies the western three-eighths,[20][21] has been inhabited since about 5000 BC by groups of Native Americans thought to have arrived from Central or South America.[23] Genetic studies show that some of these groups were related to the Yanomami of the Amazon Basin.[26][52] Amongst these early settlers were the Ciboney peoples, followed by the Taíno, speakers of an Arawakan language, elements of which have been preserved in Haitian Creole. The Taíno name for the entire island was Haiti, or alternatively Quisqeya.[53] Main article: Chiefdoms of Hispaniola In Taíno society the largest unit of political organization was led by a cacique, or chief, as the Europeans understood them. The island of Hispaniola was divided among five 'caciquedoms': the Magua in the north east, the Marien in the north west, the Jaragua in the south west, the Maguana in the central regions of Cibao, and the Higüey in the south east.[54][55] Taíno cultural artifacts include cave paintings in several locations in the country. These have become national symbols of Haiti and tourist attractions. Modern-day Léogâne, started as a French colonial town in the southwest, is beside the former capital of the caciquedom of Xaragua.[56] Colonial era Spanish rule (1492–1625) Main articles: Columbian Viceroyalty, New Spain, and Captaincy General of Santo Domingo Artist's impression of Christopher Columbus landing on Hispaniola, engraving by Theodor de Bry Navigator Christopher Columbus landed in Haiti on 6 December 1492, in an area that he named Môle-Saint-Nicolas,[57] and claimed the island for the Crown of Castile. Nineteen days later, his ship the Santa María ran aground near the present site of Cap-Haïtien. Columbus left 39 men on the island, who founded the settlement of La Navidad on 25 December 1492.[23] Relations with the native peoples, initially good, broke down and the settlers were later killed by the Taíno.[58] The sailors carried endemic Eurasian infectious diseases, causing epidemics that killed a large number of native people.[59][60] The first recorded smallpox epidemic in the Americas erupted on Hispaniola in 1507.[61] Their numbers were further reduced by the harshness of the encomienda system, in which the Spanish forced natives to work in gold mines and plantations.[62][58] The Spanish passed the Laws of Burgos (1512–1513), which forbade the maltreatment of natives, endorsed their conversion to Catholicism,[63] and gave legal framework to encomiendas. The natives were brought to these sites to work in specific plantations or industries.[64] As the Spanish re-focused their colonization efforts on the greater riches of mainland Central and South America, Hispaniola became reduced largely to a trading and refueling post. As a result piracy became widespread, encouraged by European powers hostile to Spain such as France (based on Île de la Tortue) and England.[58] The Spanish largely abandoned the western third of the island, focusing their colonization effort on the eastern two-thirds.[65][23] The western part of the island was thus gradually settled by French buccaneers; among them was Bertrand d'Ogeron, who succeeded in growing tobacco and recruited many French colonial families from Martinique and Guadeloupe.[66] In 1697 France and Spain settled their hostilities on the island by way of the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697, which divided Hispaniola between them.[67][23] French rule (1625–1804) Main articles: Saint-Domingue and French West Indies France received the western third and subsequently named it Saint-Domingue, the French equivalent of Santo Domingo, the Spanish colony on Hispaniola.[68] The French set about creating sugar and coffee plantations, worked by vast numbers of slaves imported from Africa, and Saint-Domingue grew to become their richest colonial possession.[67][23] The French settlers were outnumbered by slaves by almost 10 to 1.[67] According to the 1788 Census, Haiti's population consisted of nearly 25,000 Europeans, 22,000 free coloreds and 700,000 African slaves.[69] In contrast, by 1763 the white population of French Canada, a far larger territory, had numbered only 65,000.[70] In the north of the island, slaves were able to retain many ties to African cultures, religion and language; these ties were continually being renewed by newly imported Africans. Some West African slaves held on to their traditional Vodou beliefs by secretly syncretizing it with Catholicism.[23] The French enacted the Code Noir ("Black Code"), prepared by Jean-Baptiste Colbert and ratified by Louis XIV, which established rules on slave treatment and permissible freedoms.[71] Saint-Domingue has been described as one of the most brutally efficient slave colonies; one-third of newly imported Africans died within a few years.[72] Many slaves died from diseases such as smallpox and typhoid fever.[73] They had low birth rates,[74] and there is evidence that some women aborted fetuses rather than give birth to children within the bonds of slavery.[75] The colony's environment also suffered, as forests were cleared to make way for plantations and the land was overworked so as to extract maximum profit for French plantation owners.[23] Saint-Domingue slave revolt in 1791 As in its Louisiana colony, the French colonial government allowed some rights to free people of color (gens de couleur), the mixed-race descendants of European male colonists and African female slaves (and later, mixed-race women).[67] Over time, many were released from slavery and they established a separate social class. White French Creole fathers frequently sent their mixed-race sons to France for their education. Some men of color were admitted into the military. More of the free people of color lived in the south of the island, near Port-au-Prince, and many intermarried within their community.[67] They frequently worked as artisans and tradesmen, and began to own some property, including slaves of their own.[23][67] The free people of color petitioned the colonial government to expand their rights.[67] The brutality of slave life led many slaves to escape to mountainous regions, where they set up their own autonomous communities and became known as maroons.[23] One maroon leader, François Mackandal, led a rebellion in the 1750s; however, he was later captured and executed by the French.[67] Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) Main article: Haitian Revolution General Toussaint Louverture Inspired by the French Revolution of 1789 and principles of the rights of man, the French settlers and free people of color pressed for greater political freedom and more civil rights.[71] Tensions between these two groups led to conflict, as a militia of free-coloreds was set up in 1790 by Vincent Ogé, resulting in his capture, torture and execution.[23] Sensing an opportunity, in August 1791 the first slave armies were established in northern Haiti under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture inspired by the Vodou houngan (priest) Boukman, and backed by the Spanish in Santo Domingo – soon a full-blown slave rebellion had broken out across the entire colony.[23] In 1792, the French government sent three commissioners with troops to re-establish control; to build an alliance with the gens de couleur and slaves commissioners Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel abolished slavery in the colony.[71] Six months later, the National Convention, led by Maximilien de Robespierre and the Jacobins, endorsed abolition and extended it to all the French colonies.[76] The United States, which was a new republic itself, oscillated between supporting or not supporting Toussaint Louverture and the emerging country of Haiti, depending on who was President of the US. Washington, who was a slave holder and isolationist, kept the United States neutral, although private US citizens at times provided aid to French planters trying to put down the revolt. John Adams, a vocal opponent of slavery, fully supported the slave revolt by providing diplomatic recognition, financial support, munitions and warships (including the USS Constitution) beginning in 1798. This support ended in 1801 when Jefferson, another slave-holding president, took office and recalled the US Navy.[77][78][79] With slavery abolished, Toussaint Louverture pledged allegiance to France, and he fought off the British and Spanish forces who had taken advantage of the situation and invaded Saint-Domingue.[80][81] The Spanish were later forced to cede their part of the island to France under the terms of the Peace of Basel in 1795, uniting the island under one government. However, an insurgency against French rule broke out in the east, and in the west there was fighting between Louverture's forces and the free people of color led by André Rigaud in the War of the Knives (1799–1800).[82][83] The United States' support for the blacks in the war contributed to their victory over the mulattoes.[84] More than 25,000 whites and free blacks left the island as refugees.[85] Battle between Polish troops in French service and the Haitian rebels. The majority of Polish soldiers eventually deserted the French army and fought alongside the Haitians. After Louverture created a separatist constitution and proclaimed himself governor-general for life, Napoléon Bonaparte in 1802 sent an expedition of 20,000 soldiers and as many sailors[86] under the command of his brother-in-law, Charles Leclerc, to reassert French control. The French achieved some victories, but within a few months most of their army had died from yellow fever.[87] Ultimately more than 50,000 French troops died in an attempt to retake the colony, including 18 generals.[88] The French managed to capture Louverture, transporting him to France for trial. He was imprisoned at Fort de Joux, where he died in 1803 of exposure and possibly tuberculosis.[72][89] Haitians hanging French soldiers The slaves, along with free gens de couleur and allies, continued their fight for independence, led by generals Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Alexandre Pétion and Henry Christophe.[89] The rebels finally managed to decisively defeat the French troops at the Battle of Vertières on 18 November 1803, establishing the first nation ever to successfully gain independence through a slave revolt.[90] Under the overall command of Dessalines, the Haitian armies avoided open battle, and instead conducted a successful guerrilla campaign against the Napoleonic forces, working with diseases such as yellow fever to reduce the numbers of French soldiers.[91] Later that year France withdrew its remaining 7,000 troops from the island and Napoleon gave up his idea of re-establishing a North American empire, selling Louisiana (New France) to the United States, in the Louisiana Purchase.[89] During the revolution, an estimated 20,000 French troops succumbed to yellow fever, while another 37,000 were killed in action,[92] exceeding the total French soldiers killed in action across various 19th-century colonial campaigns in Algeria, Mexico, Indochina, Tunisia, and West Africa, which resulted in approximately 10,000 French soldiers killed in action combined.[93] The British sustained 100,000 casualties.[84] Additionally, 350,000 Haitian ex-slaves died.[94] In the process, Dessalines became arguably the most successful military commander in the struggle against Napoleonic France.[95] Independent Haiti First Empire (1804–1806) Main articles: First Empire of Haiti and 1804 Haiti massacre Pétion and Dessalines swearing allegiance to each other before God; painting by Guillon-Lethière The independence of Saint-Domingue was proclaimed under the native name 'Haiti' by Jean-Jacques Dessalines on 1 January 1804 in Gonaïves[96][97] and he was proclaimed "Emperor for Life" as Emperor Jacques I by his troops.[98] Dessalines at first offered protection to the white planters and others.[99] However, once in power, he ordered the genocide of nearly all the remaining white men, women, children; between January and April 1804, 3,000 to 5,000 whites were killed, including those who had been friendly and sympathetic to the black population.[100] Only three categories of white people were selected out as exceptions and spared: Polish soldiers, the majority of whom had deserted from the French army and fought alongside the Haitian rebels; the small group of German colonists invited to the north-west region; and a group of medical doctors and professionals.[101] Reportedly, people with connections to officers in the Haitian army were also spared, as well as the women who agreed to marry non-white men.[102] Fearful of the potential impact the slave rebellion could have in the slave states, U.S. President Thomas Jefferson refused to recognize the new republic. The Southern politicians who were a powerful voting bloc in the American Congress prevented U.S. recognition for decades until they withdrew in 1861 to form the Confederacy.[103] The revolution led to a wave of emigration.[104] In 1809, 9,000 refugees from Saint-Domingue, both white planters and people of color, settled en masse in New Orleans, doubling the city's population, having been expelled from their initial refuge in Cuba by Spanish authorities.[105] In addition, the newly arrived slaves added to the city's African population.[106] The plantation system was re-established in Haiti, albeit for wages; however, many Haitians were marginalized and resented the heavy-handed manner in which this was enforced in the new nation's politics.[89] The rebel movement splintered, and Dessalines was assassinated by rivals on 17 October 1806.[107][Link to precise page][89] State of Haiti, Kingdom of Haiti and the Republic (1806–1820) Main articles: State of Haiti and Kingdom of Haiti Citadelle Laferrière, built 1805–1822, is the largest fortress in the Americas, and is considered locally to be an eighth wonder of the world.[108] After Dessalines' death Haiti became split into two, with the Kingdom of Haiti in the north directed by Henri Christophe, later declaring himself Henri I, and a republic in the south centered on Port-au-Prince, directed by Alexandre Pétion, an homme de couleur.[109][110][111][112][89] Christophe established a semi-feudal corvée system, with a rigid education and economic code.[113] Pétion's republic was less absolutist, and he initiated a series of land reforms which benefited the peasant class.[89] President Pétion also gave military and financial assistance to the revolutionary leader Simón Bolívar, which were critical in enabling him to liberate the Viceroyalty of New Granada.[114] Meanwhile, the French, who had managed to maintain a precarious control of eastern Hispaniola, were defeated by insurgents led by Juan Sánchez Ramírez, with the area returning to Spanish rule in 1809 following the Battle of Palo Hincado.[115] Unification of Hispaniola (1821–1844) Main articles: Republic of Haiti (1820–1849) and Haitian occupation of Santo Domingo Jean-Pierre Boyer, ruler of Haiti 1818–1843 Beginning in 1821, President Jean-Pierre Boyer, also an homme de couleur and successor to Pétion, reunified the island following the suicide of Henry Christophe.[23][116] After Santo Domingo declared its independence from Spain on 30 November 1821, Boyer invaded, seeking to unite the entire island by force and ending slavery in Santo Domingo.[117] Struggling to revive the agricultural economy to produce commodity crops, Boyer passed the Code Rural, which denied peasant laborers the right to leave the land, enter the towns, or start farms or shops of their own, causing much resentment as most peasants wished to have their own farms rather than work on plantations.[118][119] Starting in September 1824, more than 6,000 African Americans migrated to Haiti, with transportation paid by an American philanthropic group similar in function to the American Colonization Society and its efforts in Liberia.[120] Many found the conditions too harsh and returned to the United States. In July 1825, King Charles X of France, during a period of restoration of the French monarchy, sent a fleet to reconquer Haiti. Under pressure, President Boyer agreed to a treaty by which France formally recognized the independence of the nation in exchange for a payment of 150 million francs.[23] By an order of 17 April 1826, the King of France renounced his rights of sovereignty and formally recognized the independence of Haiti.[121][122][123] The enforced payments to France hampered Haiti's economic growth for years, exacerbated by the fact that many Western nations continued to refuse formal diplomatic recognition to Haiti; Britain recognized Haitian independence in 1833, and the United States not until 1862.[23] Haiti borrowed heavily from Western banks at extremely high interest rates to repay the debt. Although the amount of the reparations was reduced to 90 million in 1838, by 1900 80% of Haiti's government spending was debt repayment and the country did not finish repaying it until 1947.[124][89] Loss of the Spanish portion of the island Main article: Dominican War of Independence After losing the support of Haiti's elite, Boyer was ousted in 1843, with Charles Rivière-Hérard replacing him as president.[23] Nationalist Dominican forces in eastern Hispaniola led by Juan Pablo Duarte seized control of Santo Domingo on 27 February 1844.[23] The Haitian forces, unprepared for a significant uprising, capitulated to the rebels, effectively ending Haitian rule of eastern Hispaniola. In March Rivière-Hérard attempted to reimpose his authority, but the Dominicans inflicted heavy losses.[125] Rivière-Hérard was removed from office by the mulatto hierarchy and replaced with the aged general Philippe Guerrier, who assumed the presidency on 3 May 1844. Guerrier died in April 1845, and was succeeded by General Jean-Louis Pierrot.[126] Pierrot's most pressing duty as the new president was to check the incursions of the Dominicans, who were harassing the Haitian troops.[126] Dominican gunboats were also making depredations on Haiti's coasts.[126] President Pierrot decided to open a campaign against the Dominicans, whom he considered merely as insurgents; however, the Haitian offensive of 1845 was stopped on the frontier.[125] On 1 January 1846 Pierrot announced a fresh campaign to reimpose Haitian suzerainty over eastern Hispaniola, but his officers and men greeted this fresh summons with contempt.[125] Thus, a month later – February 1846 – when Pierrot ordered his troops to march against the Dominicans, the Haitian army mutinied, and its soldiers proclaimed his overthrow as president of the republic.[125] With the war against the Dominicans having become very unpopular in Haiti, it was beyond the power of the new president, General Jean-Baptiste Riché, to stage another invasion.[125] Second Empire (1849–1859) Main article: Second Empire of Haiti Faustin I, from The Illustrated London News, 16 February 1856 On 27 February 1847, President Riché died after only a year in power and was replaced by an obscure officer, General Faustin Soulouque.[23] During the first two years of Soulouque's administration the conspiracies and opposition he faced in retaining power were so manifold that the Dominicans were given a further breathing space in which to consolidate their independence.[125] But, when in 1848 France finally recognized the Dominican Republic as a free and independent state and provisionally signed a treaty of peace, friendship, commerce and navigation, Haiti immediately protested, claiming the treaty was an attack upon their own security.[125] Soulouque decided to invade the new Republic before the French Government could ratify the treaty.[125] On 21 March 1849, Haitian soldiers attacked the Dominican garrison at Las Matas. The demoralized defenders offered almost no resistance before abandoning their weapons. Soulouque pressed on, capturing San Juan. This left only the town of Azua as the remaining Dominican stronghold between the Haitian army and the capital. On 6 April, Azua fell to the 18,000-strong Haitian army, with a 5,000-man Dominican counterattack failing to oust them.[80] The way to Santo Domingo was now clear. But the news of discontent existing at Port-au-Prince, which reached Soulouque, arrested his further progress and caused him to return with the army to his capital.[127] Emboldened by the sudden retreat of the Haitian army, the Dominicans counter-attacked. Their flotilla went as far as Dame-Marie on the west coast of Haiti, which they plundered and set on fire.[127] After another Haitian campaign in 1855, Britain and France intervened and obtained an armistice on behalf of the Dominicans, who declared independence as the Dominican Republic.[127] The sufferings endured by the soldiers during the campaign of 1855, and the losses and sacrifices inflicted on the country without yielding any compensation or any practical results provoked great discontent.[127] In 1858 a revolution began, led by General Fabre Geffrard, Duke of Tabara. In December of that year, Geffrard defeated the Imperial Army and seized control of most of the country.[23] As a result, the Emperor abdicated his throne on 15 January 1859. Faustin was taken into exile and General Geffrard succeeded him as president. Late 19th century–early 20th century German Captain Thiele of the Charlotte handing over the German Ultimatum on 6 December 1897 during the Lüders Affair The period following Soulouque's overthrow down to the turn of the century was a turbulent one for Haiti, with repeated bouts of political instability. President Geffrard was overthrown in a coup in 1867,[128] as was his successor, Sylvain Salnave, in 1869.[129] Under the Presidency of Michel Domingue (1874–76) relations with the Dominican Republic were dramatically improved by the signing of a treaty, in which both parties acknowledged the independence of the other. Some modernisation of the economy and infrastructure also occurred in this period, especially under the Presidencies of Lysius Salomon (1879–1888) and Florvil Hyppolite (1889–1896).[130] Haiti's relations with outside powers were often strained. In 1889 the United States attempted to force Haiti to permit the building of a naval base at Môle Saint-Nicolas, which was firmly resisted by President Hyppolite.[131] In 1892 the German government supported suppression of the reform movement of Anténor Firmin, and in 1897, the Germans used gunboat diplomacy to intimidate and then humiliate the Haitian government of President Tirésias Simon Sam (1896–1902) during the Lüders Affair.[132] In the first decades of the 20th century, Haiti experienced great political instability and was heavily in debt to France, Germany and the United States. A series of short lived presidencies came and went: President Pierre Nord Alexis was forced from power in 1908,[133][134] as was his successor François C. Antoine Simon in 1911;[135] President Cincinnatus Leconte (1911–12) was killed in a (possibly deliberate) explosion at the National Palace;[136] Michel Oreste (1913–14) was ousted in a coup, as was his successor Oreste Zamor in 1914.[137] United States occupation (1915–1934) Main article: United States occupation of Haiti U.S. Marines and guide in search of Haitian Cacos fighters against the U.S. occupation of Haiti, c. 1919 Germany increased its influence in Haiti in this period, with a small community of German settlers wielding disproportionate influence in Haiti's economy.[138][139] The German influence prompted anxieties in the United States, who had also invested heavily in the country, and whose government defended their right to oppose foreign interference in the Americas under the Monroe Doctrine.[23][139] In December 1914, the Americans removed $500,000 from the Haitian National Bank, but rather than seize it to help pay the debt, it was removed for safe-keeping in New York, thus giving the United States control of the bank and preventing other powers from doing so. This gave a stable financial base on which to build the economy, and so enable the debt to be repaid.[140] In 1915, Haiti's new President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam sought to strengthen his tenuous rule by a mass execution of 167 political prisoners. Outrage at the killings led to riots, and Sam was captured and killed by a lynch mob.[139][141] Fearing possible foreign intervention, or the emergence of a new government led by the anti-American Haitian politician Rosalvo Bobo, President Woodrow Wilson sent U.S. Marines into Haiti in July 1915. The USS Washington, under Rear Admiral Caperton, arrived in Port-au-Prince in an attempt to restore order and protect U.S. interests. Within days, the Marines had taken control of the capital city and its banks and customs house. The Marines declared martial law and severely censored the press. Within weeks, a new pro-U.S. Haitian president, Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave, was installed and a new constitution written that was favorable to the interests of the United States. The constitution (written by future US President Franklin D. Roosevelt) included a clause that allowed, for the first time, foreign ownership of land in Haiti, which was bitterly opposed by the Haitian legislature and citizenry.[139][142] The body of caco leader Charlemagne Péralte on display after his execution by US forces; the image was counterproductive, with the resemblance to the deposition of Jesus gaining Péralte the status of national martyr. The occupation improved some of Haiti's infrastructure and centralized power in Port-au-Prince.[139] 1700 km of roads were made usable, 189 bridges were built, many irrigation canals were rehabilitated, hospitals, schools, and public buildings were constructed, and drinking water was brought to the main cities.[citation needed] Agricultural education was organized, with a central school of agriculture and 69 farms in the country.[143][incomplete short citation] However, many infrastructure projects were built using the corvée system that allowed the government/occupying forces to take people from their homes and farms, at gunpoint if necessary, to build roads, bridges etc. by force, a process that was deeply resented by ordinary Haitians.[144][139] Sisal was also introduced to Haiti, and sugarcane and cotton became significant exports, boosting prosperity.[145] Haitian traditionalists, based in rural areas, were highly resistant to U.S.-backed changes, while the urban elites, typically mixed-race, welcomed the growing economy, but wanted more political control.[23] Together they helped secure an end to the occupation in 1934, under the Presidency of Sténio Vincent (1930–1941).[23][146] The debts were still outstanding, though less due to increased prosperity, and the U.S. financial advisor-general receiver handled the budget until 1941.[147][23] The U.S. Marines were instilled with a special brand of paternalism towards Haitians "expressed in the metaphor of a father's relationship with his children."[148] Armed opposition to the US presence was led by the cacos under the command of Charlemagne Péralte; his capture and execution in 1919 earned him the status of a national martyr.[149][23][139] During Senate hearings in 1921, the commandant of the Marine Corps reported that, in the 20 months of active unrest, 2,250 Haitians had been killed. However, in a report to the Secretary of the Navy, he reported the death toll as being 3,250.[150] Haitian historians have claimed the true number was much higher, but this is not supported by most historians outside Haiti.[151] Post-occupation era (1934–1957) After US forces left in 1934, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo used anti-Haitian sentiment as a nationalist tool. In an event that became known as the Parsley Massacre, he ordered his army to kill Haitians living on the Dominican side of the border.[152][153] Few bullets were used; instead, 20,000–30,000 Haitians were bludgeoned and bayoneted, then herded into the sea, where sharks finished what Trujillo had begun.[154] The indiscriminate massacre occurred over a period of five days. President Vincent became increasingly dictatorial, and resigned under US pressure in 1941, being replaced by Élie Lescot (1941–46).[155] In 1941, during the Second World War, Lescot declared war on Japan (8 December), Germany (12 December), Italy (12 December), Bulgaria (24 December), Hungary (24 December) and Romania (24 December).[156] Out of these six Axis countries, only Romania reciprocated, declaring war on Haiti on the same day (24 December 1941).[157] On 27 September 1945,[158] Haiti became a founding member of the United Nations (the successor to the League of Nations, of which Haiti was also a founding member).[159][160] In 1946 Lescot was overthrown by the military, with Dumarsais Estimé later becoming the new president (1946–50).[23] He sought to improve the economy and education, and to boost the role of black Haitians; however, as he sought to consolidate his rule he too was overthrown in a coup led by Paul Magloire, who replaced him as president (1950–56).[23][161] Firmly anti-Communist, he was supported by the United States; with greater political stability tourists started to visit Haiti.[162] The waterfront area of Port-au-Prince was redeveloped to allow cruise ship passengers to walk to cultural attractions. Duvalier dynasty (1957–1986) Main article: Duvalier dynasty "Papa Doc" Duvalier in 1968 In 1956–57 Haiti underwent severe political turmoil; Magloire was forced to resign and leave the country in 1956 and he was followed by four short-lived presidencies.[23] In the September 1957 election François Duvalier was elected President of Haiti. Known as 'Papa Doc' and initially popular, Duvalier remained President until his death in 1971.[163] He advanced black interests in the public sector, where over time, people of color had predominated as the educated urban elite.[23][164] Not trusting the army, despite his frequent purges of officers deemed disloyal, Duvalier created a private militia known as Tontons Macoutes ("Bogeymen"), which maintained order by terrorizing the populace and political opponents.[163][165] In 1964 Duvalier proclaimed himself 'President for Life'; an uprising against his rule that year in Jérémie was violently suppressed, with the ringleaders publicly executed and hundreds of mixed-raced citizens in the town killed.[163] The bulk of the educated and professional class began leaving the country, and corruption became widespread.[23][163] Duvalier sought to create a personality cult, identifying himself with Baron Samedi, one of the loa (or lwa), or spirits, of Haitian Vodou. Despite the well-publicized abuses under his rule, Duvalier's firm anti-Communism earned him the support of the Americans, who furnished the country with aid.[163][166] In 1971 Duvalier died, and he was succeeded by his son Jean-Claude Duvalier, nicknamed 'Baby Doc', who ruled until 1986.[167][163] He largely continued his father's policies, though curbed some of the worst excesses in order to court international respectability.[23] Tourism, which had nosedived in Papa Doc's time, again became a growing industry.[168] However, as the economy continued to decline, Baby Doc's grip on power began to weaken. Haiti's pig population was slaughtered following an outbreak of swine fever in the late 1970s, causing hardship to rural communities who used them as an investment.[23][169] The opposition became more vocal, bolstered by a visit to the country by Pope John Paul II in 1983, who publicly lambasted the president.[170] Demonstrations occurred in Gonaïves in 1985 which then spread across the country; under pressure from the United States, Duvalier left the country for France in February 1986. In total, roughly 40,000 to 60,000 Haitians are estimated to have been killed during the reign of the Duvaliers.[171] Through the use of his intimidation tactics and executions, many intellectual Haitians had fled, leaving the country with a massive brain-drain from which it has yet to recover.[172] Post-Duvalier era (1986–2004) Jean-Bertrand Aristide returns to Haiti following the U.S.-led invasion in 1994 designed to remove the regime installed by the 1991 Haitian coup d'état Following Duvalier's departure, army leader General Henri Namphy headed a new National Governing Council.[23] Elections scheduled for November 1987 were aborted after dozens of inhabitants were shot in the capital by soldiers and Tontons Macoutes.[173][23] Fraudulent elections followed in 1988, in which only 4% of the citizenry voted.[174][23] The newly elected president, Leslie Manigat, was then overthrown some months later in the June 1988 Haitian coup d'état.[23][175] Another coup followed in September 1988, after the St. Jean Bosco massacre in which approximately 13 to 50 people attending a mass led by prominent government critic and Catholic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide were killed.[175][176] General Prosper Avril subsequently led a military regime until March 1990.[23][177][178] In December 1990, Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected president in the Haitian general election. However, his ambitious reformist agenda worried the elites, and in September of the following year he was overthrown by the military, led by Raoul Cédras, in the 1991 Haitian coup d'état.[23][179] Amidst the continuing turmoil many Haitians attempted to flee the country.[163][23] In September 1994, the United States negotiated the departure of Haiti's military leaders and the peaceful entry of 20,000 US troops under Operation Uphold Democracy.[163] This enabled the restoration of the democratically elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide as president, who returned to Haiti in October to complete his term.[180][181] As part of the deal Aristide had to implement free market reforms in an attempt to improve the Haitian economy, with mixed results.[182][23] In November 1994, Hurricane Gordon brushed Haiti, dumping heavy rain and creating flash flooding that triggered mudslides. Gordon killed an estimated 1,122 people, although some estimates go as high as 2,200.[183][184] Elections were held in 1995 which were won by René Préval, gaining 88% of the popular vote, albeit on a low turnout.[185][186][23] Aristide subsequently formed his own party, Fanmi Lavalas, and political deadlock ensued; the November 2000 election returned Aristide to the presidency with 92% of the vote.[187] The election had been boycotted by the opposition, then organized into the Convergence Démocratique, over a dispute in the May legislative elections. In subsequent years, there was increasing violence between rival political factions and human rights abuses.[188][189] Aristide spent years negotiating with the Convergence Démocratique on new elections, but the Convergence's inability to develop a sufficient electoral base made elections unattractive.[citation needed] In 2004 an anti-Aristide revolt began in northern Haiti. The rebellion eventually reached the capital, and Aristide was forced into exile.[188][23] The precise nature of the events are disputed; some, including Aristide and his bodyguard, Franz Gabriel, stated that he was the victim of a "new coup d'état or modern kidnapping" by U.S. forces.[188][190][191] These charges were denied by the US government.[192][188] As political violence and crime continued to grow, a United Nations Stabilisation Mission (MINUSTAH) was brought in to maintain order.[193] However, MINUSTAH proved controversial, since their periodically heavy-handed approach to maintaining law and order and several instances of abuses, including the alleged sexual abuse of civilians, provoked resentment and distrust among ordinary Haitians.[194][195][23] Boniface Alexandre assumed interim authority until 2006, when René Préval was re-elected President following elections.[193][23][196] Post-Aristide era (2004–present) Amidst the continuing political chaos, a series of natural disasters hit Haiti. In 2004 Tropical Storm Jeanne skimmed the north coast, leaving 3,006 people dead in flooding and mudslides, mostly in the city of Gonaïves.[197] In 2008 Haiti was again struck by tropical storms; Tropical Storm Fay, Hurricane Gustav, Hurricane Hanna and Hurricane Ike all produced heavy winds and rain, resulting in 331 deaths and about 800,000 in need of humanitarian aid.[198] The state of affairs produced by these storms was intensified by already high food and fuel prices that had caused a food crisis and political unrest in April 2008.[199][200][23] The Haitian National Palace, located in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, heavily damaged after the earthquake of 2010. This was originally a two-story structure; the second story completely collapsed. On 12 January 2010, at 4:53 pm local time, Haiti was struck by a magnitude-7.0 earthquake. This was the country's most severe earthquake in over 200 years.[201] The earthquake was reported to have left between 160,000 and 300,000 people dead and up to 1.6 million homeless, making it one of the deadliest natural disasters ever recorded.[202][203] It is also one of the deadliest earthquakes ever recorded.[204] The situation was exacerbated by a subsequent massive cholera outbreak that was triggered when cholera-infected waste from a United Nations peacekeeping station contaminated the country's main river, the Artibonite.[193][205][206] In 2017, it was reported that roughly 10,000 Haitians had died and nearly a million had been made ill. After years of denial, the United Nations apologized in 2016, but as of 2017, they have refused to acknowledge fault, thus avoiding financial responsibility.[207] General elections had been planned for January 2010 but were postponed due to the earthquake.[23] Elections were held on 28 November 2010 for the senate, the parliament and the first round of the presidential elections. The run-off between Michel Martelly and Mirlande Manigat took place on 20 March 2011, and preliminary results, released on 4 April, named Michel Martelly the winner.[208][209] In 2011 both former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier and Jean-Bertrand Aristide returned to Haiti; attempts to try Duvalier for crimes committed under his rule were shelved following his death in 2014.[210][211][212][208] In 2013, Haiti called for European nations to pay reparations for slavery and establish an official commission for the settlement of past wrongdoings.[213][214] Meanwhile, after continuing political wrangling with the opposition and allegations of electoral fraud, Martelly agreed to step down in 2016 without a successor in place.[208][215] After numerous postponements, partly owing to the effects of devastating Hurricane Matthew, elections were held in November 2016.[216][217] The victor, Jovenel Moïse of the Haitian Tèt Kale Party, was sworn in as president in 2017.[218][219] Protests began on 7 July 2018, in response to increased fuel prices. Over time these protests evolved into demands for the resignation of president Moïse.[220] On 7 July 2021, President Moïse was assassinated in an attack on his private residence, and First Lady Martine Moïse was hospitalized.[221] Amid the political crisis, the government of Haiti installed Ariel Henry as both the Prime Minister and the President on 20 July 2021.[222][223] On 14 August 2021, Haiti suffered another huge earthquake, with many casualties.[224] The earthquake has also damaged Haiti's economic conditions and led to a rise in gang violence which by May 2020 escalated to a long lasting full blown Gang war in Haiti and other violent crimes.[225][226] As of March 2022, Haiti still had no president, no parliamentary quorum, and a dysfunctional high court due to a lack of judges.[222] In 2022, protests against the government and rising fuel prices intensified.[227][228] Geography Main article: Geography of Haiti Topographical map of Haiti Haiti forms the western three-eighths of Hispaniola, the second largest island in the Greater Antilles. At 27,750 km2 (10,710 sq mi) Haiti is the third largest country in the Caribbean behind Cuba and the Dominican Republic, the latter sharing a 360-kilometer (224 mi) border with Haiti. The country has a roughly horseshoe shape and because of this it has a disproportionately long coastline, second in length (1,771 km or 1,100 mi) behind Cuba in the Greater Antilles.[229][230] Haiti is the most mountainous nation in the Caribbean, its terrain consists of mountains interspersed with small coastal plains and river valleys.[22] The climate is tropical, with some variation depending on altitude. The highest point is Pic la Selle, at 2,680 meters (8,793 ft).[27][22][23] The northern region or Marien Region consists of the Massif du Nord (Northern Massif) and the Plaine du Nord (Northern Plain). The Massif du Nord is an extension of the Cordillera Central in the Dominican Republic.[23] It begins at Haiti's eastern border, north of the Guayamouc River, and extends to the northwest through the northern peninsula. The lowlands of the Plaine du Nord lie along the northern border with the Dominican Republic, between the Massif du Nord and the North Atlantic Ocean. The central region or Artibonite Region consists of two plains and two sets of mountain ranges. The Plateau Central (Central Plateau) extends along both sides of the Guayamouc River, south of the Massif du Nord. It runs from the southeast to the northwest. To the southwest of the Plateau Central are the Montagnes Noires, whose most northwestern part merges with the Massif du Nord. Haiti's most important valley in terms of crops is the Plaine de l'Artibonite, which lies between the Montagnes Noires and the Chaîne des Matheux.[23] This region supports the country's longest river, the Riviere l'Artibonite, which begins in the western region of the Dominican Republic and continues for most of its length through central Haiti, where it then empties into the Golfe de la Gonâve.[23] Also in this valley lies Haiti's second largest lake, Lac de Péligre, formed as a result of the construction of the Péligre Dam in the mid-1950s.[231] Saint-Marc Arrondissement, Artibonite Department The southern region or Xaragua Region consists of the Plaine du Cul-de-Sac (the southeast) and the mountainous southern peninsula (the Tiburon Peninsula). The Plaine du Cul-de-Sac is a natural depression that harbors the country's saline lakes, such as Trou Caïman and Haiti's largest lake, Étang Saumatre. The Chaîne de la Selle mountain range – an extension of the southern mountain chain of the Dominican Republic (the Sierra de Baoruco) – extends from the Massif de la Selle in the east to the Massif de la Hotte in the west.[23] Haiti also includes several offshore islands. The island of Tortuga is located off the coast of northern Haiti. The arrondissement of La Gonâve is located on the island of the same name, in the Golfe de la Gonâve; Haiti's largest island, Gonâve is moderately populated by rural villagers. Île à Vache is located off the southwest coast; also part of Haiti are the Cayemites, located in the Gulf of Gonâve north of Pestel. La Navasse, located 40 nautical miles (46 mi; 74 km) west of Jérémie on the south west peninsula of Haiti,[232] is subject to an ongoing territorial dispute with the United States, who currently administer the island.[233] Climate Köppen climate types of Haiti Haiti's climate is tropical with some variation depending on altitude.[22] Port-au-Prince ranges in January from an average minimum of 23 °C (73.4 °F) to an average maximum of 31 °C (87.8 °F); in July, from 25–35 °C (77–95 °F). The rainfall pattern is varied, with rain heavier in some of the lowlands and the northern and eastern slopes of the mountains. Haiti's dry season occurs from November to January. Port-au-Prince receives an average annual rainfall of 1,370 mm (53.9 in). There are two rainy seasons, April–June and October–November. Haiti is subject to periodic droughts and floods, made more severe by deforestation. Hurricanes are a menace, and the country is also prone to flooding and earthquakes.[22] Geology Saut-d'Eau waterfall There are blind thrust faults associated with the Enriquillo-Plantain Garden fault system over which Haiti lies.[234] After the earthquake of 2010, there was no evidence of surface rupture and geologists' findings were based on seismological, geological and ground deformation data.[235] The northern boundary of the fault is where the Caribbean tectonic plate shifts eastwards by about 20 mm (0.79 inches) per year in relation to the North American plate. The strike-slip fault system in the region has two branches in Haiti, the Septentrional-Oriente fault in the north and the Enriquillo-Plantain Garden fault in the south. A 2007 earthquake hazard study, noted that the Enriquillo-Plantain Garden fault zone could be at the end of its seismic cycle and concluded that a worst-case forecast would involve a 7.2 Mw earthquake, similar in size to the 1692 Jamaica earthquake.[236] A study team performing a hazard assessment of the fault system recommended "high priority" historical geologic rupture studies, as the fault was fully locked and had recorded few earthquakes in the preceding 40 years.[237] The magnitude 7.0 2010 Haiti earthquake happened on this fault zone on 12 January 2010. Haiti also has rare elements such as gold, which can be found at The Mont Organisé gold mine.[238] Haiti has no currently active volcanoes. "In the Terre-Neuve Mountains, about 12 kilometers from the Eaux Boynes, small intrusions at least as late as Oligocene and probably of Miocene age are known. No other volcanic activity of as late a date is known near any of the other warm springs."[239] Environment Main articles: Environment of Haiti and Deforestation in Haiti Haiti's border with the Dominican Republic in 2002, showing the extent of deforestation on the Haitian side (left) The soil erosion released from the upper catchments and deforestation have caused periodic and severe flooding, as experienced, for example, on 17 September 2004. Earlier in May that year, floods had killed over 3,000 people on Haiti's southern border with the Dominican Republic.[240] Haiti's forests covered 60% of the country as recently as 50 years ago, but that has been halved to a current estimate of 30% tree cover. This estimate poses a stark difference from the erroneous figure of 2% which has been oft-cited in discourse concerning the country's environmental condition.[241] Haiti had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 4.01/10, ranking it 137th globally out of 172 countries.[242] Scientists at the Columbia University's Center for International Earth Science Information Network and the United Nations Environment Programme are working on the Haiti Regenerative Initiative, an initiative aiming to reduce poverty and natural disaster vulnerability through ecosystem restoration and sustainable resource management.[243] Biodiversity Main article: Wildlife of Haiti The endangered Hispaniolan solenodon, endemic to the island Haiti is home to four ecoregions: Hispaniolan moist forests, Hispaniolan dry forests, Hispaniolan pine forests, and Greater Antilles mangroves.[244] Despite its small size, Haiti's mountainous terrain and resultant multiple climatic zones has resulted in a wide variety of plant life.[245] Notable tree species include the breadfruit tree, mango tree, acacia, mahogany, coconut palm, royal palm and West Indian cedar.[245] The forests were formerly much more extensive, but have been subject to severe deforestation.[23] Most mammal species are not native, having been brought to the island since colonial times.[245] However, there are various native bat species, as well as the endemic Hispaniolan hutia and Hispaniolan solenodon.[245] Whale and dolphin species can also be found off Haiti's coast. There are over 260 species of birds, 31 endemic to Hispaniola.[246] Notable endemic species include the Hispaniolan trogon, Hispaniolan parakeet, grey-crowned tanager and the Hispaniolan Amazon.[246] There are also several raptors, as well as pelicans, ibis, hummingbirds and ducks. Reptiles are common, with species such as the rhinoceros iguana, Haitian boa, American crocodile and gecko.[247] Government and politics Main article: Politics of Haiti Jovenel Moïse was the President of Haiti from 7 February 2017 until he was assassinated on 7 July 2021. The government of Haiti is a semi-presidential republic, a multiparty system wherein the president of Haiti is head of state and elected directly by popular elections held every five years.[23][248] The prime minister of Haiti acts as head of government and is appointed by the president, chosen from the majority party in the National Assembly.[23] Executive power is exercised by the president and prime minister who together constitute the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of the National Assembly of Haiti, the Senate (Sénat) and the Chamber of Deputies (Chambre des Députés).[23][22] The government is organized unitarily, thus the central government delegates powers to the departments without a constitutional need for consent. The current structure of Haiti's political system was set forth in the Constitution of Haiti on 29 March 1987.[22] Haitian politics have been contentious: since independence, Haiti has suffered 32 coups.[249] Haiti is the only country in the Western Hemisphere to undergo a successful slave revolution; however, a long history of oppression by dictators such as François Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude Duvalier has markedly affected the nation. Since the end of the Duvalier era Haiti has been transitioning to a democratic system.[23] Administrative divisions Main article: Administrative divisions of Haiti Administratively, Haiti is divided into ten departments.[22] The departments are listed below, with the departmental capital cities in parentheses. Departments of Haiti Nord-Ouest (Port-de-Paix) Nord (Cap-Haïtien) Nord-Est (Fort-Liberté) Artibonite (Gonaïves) Centre (Hinche) Ouest (Port-au-Prince) Grand'Anse (Jérémie) Nippes (Miragoâne) Sud (Les Cayes) Sud-Est (Jacmel) The departments are further divided into 42 arrondissements, 145 communes and 571 communal sections. These serve as, respectively, second- and third-level administrative divisions.[250][251][252] Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Haiti Haiti is a member of a wide range of international and regional organizations, such as the United Nations, CARICOM, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, International Monetary Fund, Organisation of American States, Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, OPANAL and the World Trade Organization.[22] In February 2012, Haiti signaled it would seek to upgrade its observer status to full associate member status of the African Union (AU).[253] The AU was reported to be planning to upgrade Haiti's status from observer to associate at its June 2013 summit[254] but the application had still not been ratified by May 2016.[255] Military Main article: Defence Force of Haiti Haiti has a strong military history dating to the pre-independence struggle. The Indigenous Army is essential in the construction of the state the management of land and public finances. Up to the 20th century, every Haitian president was an officer in the army. During the US intervention, the army was remodeled as Gendarmerie d'Haiti and later on as Force Armée d'Haiti (FAdH). In the early 1990s, the army was unconstitutionally decommissioned and replaced by the Haitian National Police (PNH). In 2018, Président Jovenel Moise reactivated the FAdH. Haiti's Ministry of Defense is the main body of the armed forces.[256] The former Haitian Armed Forces were demobilized in 1995; however, efforts to reconstitute it are currently underway.[257] The current defense force for Haiti is the Haitian National Police, which has a highly trained SWAT team, and works alongside the Haitian Coast Guard. In 2010, the Haitian National Police force numbered 7,000.[258] Law enforcement and crime Main articles: Haitian National Police and Crime in Haiti Members of the Haitian National Police Force marching band stand at parade The legal system is based on a modified version of the Napoleonic Code.[259][23] Haiti has consistently ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world on the Corruption Perceptions Index.[260] According to a 2006 report by the Corruption Perceptions Index, there is a strong correlation between corruption and poverty in Haiti. The nation ranked first of all countries surveyed for levels of perceived domestic corruption.[261] It is estimated that President "Baby Doc" Duvalier, his wife Michele, and their agents stole US $504 million from the treasury between 1971 and 1986.[262] Similarly, after the Haitian Army folded in 1995, the Haitian National Police (HNP) gained sole power of authority on the Haitian citizens. Many Haitians as well as observers believe that this monopolized power could have given way to a corrupt police force.[263] Some media outlets alleged that millions were stolen by former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.[264][265][266][267] The BBC also described pyramid schemes, in which Haitians lost hundreds of millions in 2002, as the "only real economic initiative" of the Aristide years.[268] Conversely, according to the 2013 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report, murder rates (10.2 per 100,000) are far below the regional average (26 per 100,000); less than  1 / 4  that of Jamaica (39.3 per 100,000) and nearly  1 / 2  that of the Dominican Republic (22.1 per 100,000), making it among the safer countries in the region.[269][270] In large part, this is due to the country's ability to fulfil a pledge by increasing its national police yearly by 50%, a four-year initiative that was started in 2012. In addition to the yearly recruits, the Haitian National Police (HNP) has been using innovative technologies to crack down on crime. A notable bust in recent years[when?] led to the dismantlement of the largest kidnapping ring in the country with the use of an advanced software program developed by a West Point-trained Haitian official that proved to be so effective that it has led to its foreign advisers to make inquiries.[271][272] In 2010, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) sent a team of officers to Haiti to assist in the rebuilding of its police force with special training in investigative techniques, anti-kidnapping strategies and community outreach. It has also helped the HNP set up a police unit in Delmas, a neighborhood of Port-au-Prince.[273][274][275][276] In 2012 and 2013, 150 HNP officers received specialized training funded by the US government, which also contributed to the infrastructure and communications support by upgrading radio capacity and constructing new police stations from the most violent-prone neighborhoods of Cité Soleil and Grande Ravine in Port-au-Prince to the new northern industrial park at Caracol.[274] Haitian penitentiary system Port-au-Prince penitentiary is home to half of Haiti's prisoners. The prison has a capacity of 1,200 detainees but as of November 2017 the penitentiary was obliged to keep 4,359 detainees, a 454% occupancy level.[277] The inability to receive sufficient funds has caused deadly cases of malnutrition, combined with the tight living conditions, increases the risk of infectious diseases such as tuberculosis.[277] Haitian law states that once arrested, one must go before a judge within 48 hours; however, this is very rare. In an interview with Unreported World, the prison governor stated that around 529 detainees were never sentenced, and there are 3,830 detainees who are in prolonged detained trial detention. Therefore, 80% are not convicted.[278] Unless families are able to provide the necessary funds for inmates to appear before a judge there is a very slim chance the inmate would have a trial, on average, within 10 years.[279] In confined living spaces for 22–23 hours a day, inmates are not provided with latrines and are forced to defecate into plastic bags. These conditions were considered inhumane by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2008.[280] Economy Main article: Economy of Haiti Historical GDP per capita development A proportional representation of Haiti exports, 2019 Haiti has a highly regulated, predominantly state-controlled economy, ranking 145th out of the 177 countries given a "freedom index" by the Heritage Foundation.[281] Haiti's per capita GDP is $1,800 and its GDP is $19.97 billion (2017 estimates).[22] The country uses the Haitian gourde as its currency. Despite its tourism industry, Haiti is one of the poorest countries in the Americas, with corruption, political instability, poor infrastructure, lack of health care and lack of education cited as the main causes.[22] Unemployment is high and many Haitians seek to emigrate. Trade declined dramatically after the 2010 earthquake and subsequent outbreak of cholera, with the country's purchasing power parity GDP falling by 8% (from US$12.15 billion to US$11.18 billion).[4] Haiti ranked 145th of 182 countries in the 2010 United Nations Human Development Index, with 57.3% of the population being deprived in at least three of the HDI's poverty measures.[282] Following the disputed 2000 election and accusations about President Aristide's rule,[283] US aid to the Haitian government was cut off between 2001 and 2004.[284] After Aristide's departure in 2004, aid was restored and the Brazilian army led a United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti peacekeeping operation. After almost four years of recession, the economy grew by 1.5% in 2005.[285] In September 2009, Haiti met the conditions set out by the IMF and World Bank's Heavily Indebted Poor Countries program to qualify for cancellation of its external debt.[286] More than 90 percent of the government's budget comes from an agreement with Petrocaribe, a Venezuela-led oil alliance.[287] Foreign aid Further information: Foreign aid to Haiti Haiti received more than US$4 billion in aid from 1990 to 2003, including US$1.5 billion from the United States.[288] The largest donor is the US, followed by Canada and the European Union.[289] In January 2010, following the earthquake, US President Barack Obama promised US$1.15 billion in assistance.[290] European Union nations pledged more than €400 million (US$616 million).[291] Neighboring Dominican Republic has also provided extensive humanitarian aid to Haiti, including the funding and construction of a public university,[292] human capital, free healthcare services in the border region, and logistical support after the 2010 earthquake.[293] The United Nations states that US$13.34 billion has been earmarked for post-earthquake reconstruction through 2020, though two years after the 2010 quake, less than half of that amount had actually been released. As of 2015, the US government has allocated US$4 billion, US$3 billion has already been spent, and the rest is dedicated to longer-term projects.[294] Trade According to the 2015 CIA World Factbook, Haiti's main import partners are: Dominican Republic 35%, US 26.8%, Netherlands Antilles 8.7%, China 7% (est. 2013). Haiti's main export partner is the US 83.5% (est. 2013).[295] Haiti had a trade deficit of US$3 billion in 2011, or 41% of GDP.[296] Energy Main article: Electricity sector in Haiti Haiti electricity production by source Haiti relies heavily on an oil alliance with Petrocaribe for much of its energy requirements. In recent years, hydroelectric, solar and wind energy have been explored as possible sustainable energy sources.[297] Power plant in Port-au-Prince As of 2017, among all the countries in the Americas, Haiti is producing the least energy. Less than a quarter of the country has electric coverage.[298] Most regions of Haiti that do have energy are powered by generators. These generators are often expensive and produce a lot of pollution. The areas that do get electricity experience power cuts on a daily basis, and some areas are limited to 12 hours of electricity a day. Electricity is provided by a small number of independent companies: Sogener, E-power, and Haytrac.[299] There is no national electricity grid.[300] The most common source of energy is wood, along with charcoal. About 4 million metric tons of wood products are consumed yearly.[301] Like charcoal and wood, petroleum is also an important source of energy. Since Haiti cannot produce its own fuel, all fuel is imported. Yearly, around 691,000 tons of oil is imported into the country.[300] In 2018, a 24-hour electricity project was announced; for this purpose 236 MW needs to installed in Port-au-Prince alone, with an additional 75 MW needed in all other regions. Presently only 27.5% of the population has access to electricity; moreover, the national energy agency l'Électricité d'Haïti (Ed'H) is only able to meet 62% of overall electricity demand.[302] Personal income A market in Cap-Haïtien Haiti suffers from a shortage of skilled labor, widespread unemployment, and underemployment. Most Haitians in the labor force have informal jobs. Three-quarters of the population lives on US$2 or less per day.[303] Remittances from Haitians living abroad are the primary source of foreign exchange, equaling one-fifth (20%) of GDP and more than five times the earnings from exports as of 2012.[304] In 2004, 80% or more of college graduates from Haiti were living abroad.[305] Occasionally, families who are unable to care for children may send them to live with a wealthier family as a restavek, or house servant. In return the family are supposed to ensure that the child is educated and provided with food and shelter; however, the system is open to abuse and has proved controversial, with some likening it to child slavery.[306][307] Real estate In rural areas, people often live in wooden huts with corrugated iron roofs. Outhouses are located in back of the huts. In Port-au-Prince, colorful shantytowns surround the central city and go up the mountainsides.[308] The middle and upper classes live in suburbs, or in the central part of the bigger cities in apartments, where there is urban planning. Many of the houses they live in are like miniature fortresses, located behind walls embedded with metal spikes, barbed wire, broken glass, and sometimes all three. The houses have backup generators, because the electrical grid is unreliable. Some even have rooftop reservoirs for water.[308] Agriculture Further information: Agriculture in Haiti Rows of cabbage, Haiti Haiti is the world's leading producer of vetiver, a root plant used to make luxury perfumes, essential oils and fragrances, providing for half the world's supply.[309][310][311] Roughly 40–50% of Haitians work in the agricultural sector.[22][312] However, According to soil surveys by the United States Department of Agriculture in the early 1980s, only 11.3 percent of the land was highly suitable for crops. Haiti relies upon imports for half its food needs and 80% of its rice.[312] Haiti exports crops such as mangoes, cacao, coffee, papayas, mahogany nuts, spinach, and watercress.[313] Agricultural products constitute 6% of all exports.[296] In addition, local agricultural products include maize, beans, cassava, sweet potato, peanuts, pistachios, bananas, millet, pigeon peas, sugarcane, rice, sorghum, and wood.[313][314] Currency Main article: Haitian gourde The Haitian gourde (HTG) is the national currency. The "Haitian dollar" equates to 5 gourdes (goud), which is a fixed exchange rate that exists in concept only, but are commonly used as informal prices.[citation needed] The vast majority of the business sector and individuals will also accept US dollars, though at the outdoor markets gourdes may be preferred. Locals may refer to the USD as "dollar américain" (dola ameriken) or "dollar US" (pronounced oo-es).[315] Tourism Main article: Tourism in Haiti Labadee, a cruise ship destination The tourism market in Haiti is undeveloped and the government is heavily promoting this sector. Haiti has many of the features that attract tourists to other Caribbean destinations, such as white sand beaches, mountainous scenery and a year-round warm climate. However, the country's poor image overseas, at times exaggerated, has hampered the development of this sector.[23] In 2014, the country received 1,250,000 tourists (mostly from cruise ships), and the industry generated US$200 million in 2014.[citation needed] Several hotels were opened in 2014, including an upscale Best Western Premier,[316][317] a five-star Royal Oasis hotel by Occidental Hotel and Resorts in Pétion-Ville,[318][319][320] a four-star Marriott Hotel in the Turgeau area of Port-au-Prince[321] and other new hotel developments in Port-au-Prince, Les Cayes, Cap-Haïtien and Jacmel.[citation needed] Caracol Industrial Park On 21 October 2012, Haitian President Michel Martelly, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Bill Clinton, Richard Branson, Ben Stiller and Sean Penn inaugurated the 240-hectare (600-acre) Caracol industrial park, the largest in the Caribbean.[322] Costing US$300 million, the project, which includes a 10-megawatt power plant, a water-treatment plant and worker housing, is intended to transform the northern part of the country by creating 65,000 jobs.[322] The park is part of a "master plan" for Haiti's North and North-East departments, including the expansion of the Cap-Haïtien International Airport to accommodate large international flights, the construction of an international seaport in Fort-Liberté and the opening of the $50 million Roi Henri Christophe Campus of a new university in Limonade (near Cap-Haïtien) on 12 January 2012.[323] South Korean clothing manufacturer Sae-A Trading Co. Ltd, one of the park's main tenants, has created 5,000 permanent jobs out of the 20,000 projected and has built 8,600 houses in the surrounding area for its workers. The industrial park ultimately has the potential to create as many as 65,000 jobs once fully developed.[324][325] Infrastructure Transportation Main article: Transport in Haiti Rail map as of 1925 Haiti has two main highways that run from one end of the country to the other. The northern highway, Route Nationale No. 1 (National Highway One), originates in Port-au-Prince, winding through the coastal towns of Montrouis and Gonaïves, before reaching its terminus at the northern port Cap-Haïtien. The southern highway, Route Nationale No. 2, links Port-au-Prince with Les Cayes via Léogâne and Petit-Goâve. The state of Haiti's roads are generally poor, many being potholed and becoming impassable in rough weather.[23] The port at Port-au-Prince, Port international de Port-au-Prince, has more registered shipping than any of the other dozen ports in the country. The port's facilities include cranes, large berths, and warehouses, but these facilities are not in good condition. The port is underused, possibly due to the substantially high port fees. The port of Saint-Marc is currently the preferred port of entry for consumer goods. In the past, Haiti used rail transport; however, the rail infrastructure was poorly maintained when in use and cost of rehabilitation is beyond the means of the Haitian economy. In 2018 the Regional Development Council of the Dominican Republic proposed a "trans-Hispaniola" railway between both countries.[326] Airports Toussaint L'Ouverture International Airport Main article: List of airports in Haiti Toussaint Louverture International Airport, located ten kilometers (six miles) north-northeast of Port-au-Prince proper in the commune of Tabarre, is the primary hub for entry and exit into the country. It has Haiti's main jetway, and along with Cap-Haïtien International Airport handles the vast majority of the country's international flights. Cities such as Jacmel, Jérémie, Les Cayes, and Port-de-Paix have smaller, less accessible airports that are serviced by regional airlines and private aircraft. In 2013, plans for the development of an international airport on Île-à-Vache were introduced by the Prime Minister.[327] Bus service A "tap tap" bus in Port-Salut Tap tap buses are colorfully painted buses or pick-up trucks that serve as shared taxis. The "tap tap" name comes from the sound of passengers tapping on the metal bus body to indicate they want off.[328] These vehicles for hire are often privately owned and extensively decorated. They follow fixed routes, do not leave until filled with passengers, and riders can usually disembark at any point. The decorations are a typically Haitian form of art.[329] Communications Main articles: Telecommunications in Haiti and Television in Haiti In Haiti, communications include the radio, television, fixed and mobile telephones, and the Internet. Haiti ranked last among North American countries in the World Economic Forum's Network Readiness Index (NRI) – an indicator for determining the development level of a country's information and communication technologies. Haiti ranked number 143 out of 148 overall in the 2014 NRI ranking, down from 141 in 2013.[330] Water supply and sanitation Main article: Water supply and sanitation in Haiti Haiti faces key challenges in the water supply and sanitation sector. Notably, access to public services is very low, their quality is inadequate and public institutions remain very weak despite foreign aid and the government's declared intent to strengthen the sector's institutions. Foreign and Haitian NGOs play an important role in the sector, especially in rural and urban slum areas. Demographics Main article: Demographics of Haiti Haiti's population (1800–2021) In 2018, Haiti's population was estimated to be about 10,788,000.[22] In 2006, half of the population was younger than age 20.[331] In 1950, the first formal census gave a total population of 3.1 million.[332] Haiti averages approximately 350 people per square kilometer (910 people/sq mi), with its population concentrated most heavily in urban areas, coastal plains, and valleys. People in Port-au-Prince Most Haitians are descendants of black Africans who were enslaved and trafficked from Africa during the Atlantic slave trade. Many are also descendants of Mulattoes who are mixed-race.[22] The remainder are primarily of European or Arab descent.[333][334] Millions of Haitian descent live abroad in the United States, Dominican Republic, Cuba, Canada (primarily Montreal), Bahamas, France, the French Antilles, the Turks and Caicos, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Brazil, Suriname and French Guiana. There were an estimated 881,500 people of Haitian ancestry in the United States in 2015,[335] while in the Dominican Republic there were an estimated 800,000 in 2007.[336] There were 300,000 in Cuba in 2013,[337] 100,000 in Canada in 2006,[338] 80,000 in Metropolitan France (2010),[339] and up to 80,000 in the Bahamas (2009).[340] In 2018, the life expectancy at birth was 63.66 years.[341] Racial discrimination Main article: Gens de couleur Under colonial rule, Haitian mulattoes were generally privileged above the black majority, though they possessed fewer rights than the white population. Following the country's independence, they became the nation's social elite. Numerous leaders throughout Haiti's history have been mulattoes. During this time, the slaves and the affranchis were given limited opportunities toward education, income, and occupations, but even after gaining independence, the social structure remains a legacy today as the disparity between the upper and lower classes have not been reformed significantly since the colonial days.[342] Making up 5% of the nation's population, mulattoes have retained their preeminence, evident in the political, economic, social and cultural hierarchy in Haiti.[343] As a result, the elite class today consists of a small group of influential people who are generally light in color.[344] Religion Main article: Religion in Haiti Religion in Haiti according to the Pew Research Center (2010)[345]   Catholicism (56.8%)   Protestantism (29.6%)   Unaffiliated (10.6%)   Other (3%) The 2017 CIA Factbook reported that around 54.7% of Haitians professed to being Catholics while Protestants made up about 28.5% of the population (Baptist 15.4%, Pentecostal 7.9%, Seventh-day Adventist 3%, Methodist 1.5%, other 0.7%). Other sources put the Protestant population higher, suggesting that it might have formed one-third of the population in 2001.[346] Like other countries in Latin America, Haiti has witnessed a general Protestant expansion, which is largely Evangelical and Pentecostal in nature.[347][348][349] Haitian Cardinal Chibly Langlois is president of the National Bishops Conference of the Catholic Church. Vodou, a religion with West African roots similar to those of Cuba and Brazil, is practiced by some Haitians today. It originated during colonial times in which slaves were obliged to disguise their loa (lwa), or spirits, as Catholic saints, an element of a process called syncretism. Due to the religious syncretism between Catholicism and Vodou, it is difficult to estimate the number of Vodouists in Haiti.[350][351] The religion has historically been persecuted and misrepresented in popular media; nevertheless, in 2003 the Haitian government recognized the faith as an official religion of the nation.[22] Many Catholics and Protestants in Haiti denounce Vodou as devil worship, but do not deny the power of such spirits. Instead, they regard them as adversaries who are "evil" and "satanic", which they are often encouraged to pray against. Protestants view Catholic veneration of saints as idol worship, and some Protestants would often destroy statues and other Catholic paraphernalia.[352] Minority religions in Haiti include Islam, Bahá'í Faith, Judaism, and Buddhism.[4] Languages The two official languages of Haiti are French and Haitian Creole. French is the principal written and administratively authorized language (as well as the main language of the press) and is spoken by 42% of Haitians.[353][354] It is spoken by all educated Haitians, is the medium of instruction in most schools, and is used in the business sector. It is also used in ceremonial events such as weddings, graduations and church Masses. Haiti is one of two independent nations in the Americas (along with Canada) to designate French as an official language; the other French-speaking areas are all overseas départements, or collectivités, of France, such as French Guiana. Haitian Creole is spoken by nearly all of the Haitian population. French, the base language for Haitian Creole, is popular among the Haitian elite and upper classes. French is also popular in the business sector, and to a far lesser degree, English due to American influence. Spanish is spoken by some Haitians who live along the Haitian-Dominican border.[355] English and Spanish may also be spoken by Haitian deportees from the United States and various Latin American countries. Overall, about 90–95% of Haitians only speak Haitian Creole/French fluently, with over half only knowing Creole.[356] Haitian Creole,[357] locally called Kreyòl,[358] has recently undergone standardization and is spoken by virtually the entire population.[359] One of the French-based creole languages, Haitian Creole has a vocabulary overwhelmingly derived from French, but its grammar resembles that of some West African languages. It also has influences from Taino, Spanish, and Portuguese.[360] Haitian Creole is related to the other French creoles, and in particular to the Antillean and Louisiana Creole variants. Emigration Main article: Haitian diaspora There is a large Haitian diaspora community, predominantly based in the US and Canada, France, and the wealthier Caribbean islands. Emigrants from Haiti have constituted a segment of American and Canadian society since before the independence of Haiti from France in 1804.[361][362] Many influential early American settlers and black freemen, including Jean Baptiste Point du Sable and W. E. B. Du Bois, were of Haitian origin.[363][364][365][366] Education Main article: Education in Haiti The Universite Roi Henri Christophe in Limonade The educational system of Haiti is based on the French system. Higher education, under the responsibility of the Ministry of Education,[367] is provided by universities and other public and private institutions.[368] More than 80% of primary schools are privately managed by nongovernmental organizations, churches, communities, and for-profit operators, with minimal government oversight.[369] According to the 2013 Millennium Development Goals Report, Haiti has steadily boosted net enrollment rate in primary education from 47% in 1993 to 88% in 2011, achieving equal participation of boys and girls in education.[370] Charity organizations, including Food for the Poor and Haitian Health Foundation, are building schools for children and providing necessary school supplies. According to the 2015 World Factbook, Haiti's literacy rate is 60.7% . Many reformers have advocated the creation of a free, public and universal education system for all primary school-age students in Haiti. The Inter-American Development Bank estimates that the government will need at least US$3 billion to create an adequately funded system.[371] Upon successful graduation of secondary school, students may continue into higher education. The higher education schools in Haiti include the University of Haiti. There are also medical schools and law schools offered at both the University of Haiti and abroad. Brown University is cooperating with L'Hôpital Saint-Damien in Haiti to coordinate a pediatric health care curriculum.[372] Health Main article: Health in Haiti As of 2012, 60% of children in Haiti under the age of 10 were vaccinated,[373][374] compared to 93–95% in other countries.[375] Recently there have been mass vaccination campaigns claiming to vaccinate as many as 91% of a target population against specific diseases (measles and rubella in this case).[376] Most people have no transportation or access to Haitian hospitals.[377] The World Health Organization cites diarrheal diseases, HIV/AIDS, meningitis, and respiratory infections as common causes of death in Haiti.[378] Ninety percent of Haiti's children suffer from waterborne diseases and intestinal parasites.[379] HIV infection is found in 1.71% of Haiti's population (est. 2015).[380] The incidence of tuberculosis (TB) in Haiti is more than ten times as high as in the rest of Latin America.[citation needed] Approximately 30,000 Haitians fall ill with malaria each year.[381] Roughly 75% of Haitian households lack running water. Unsafe water, along with inadequate housing and unsanitary living conditions, contributes to the high incidence of infectious diseases. There is a chronic shortage of health care personnel and hospitals lack resources, a situation that became readily apparent after the January 2010 earthquake.[382] The infant mortality rate in Haiti in 2019 was 48.2 deaths per 1,000 live births, compared to 5.6 per 1,000 in the United States.[383] After the 2010 earthquake, Partners In Health founded the Hôpital Universitaire de Mirebalais, the largest solar-powered hospital in the world.[384][385] Largest cities Further information: List of cities in Haiti    Largest cities or towns in Haiti geonames.org Rank Name Department Pop. Port-au-Prince Port-au-Prince Cap-Haïtien Cap-Haïtien 1 Port-au-Prince Ouest 1,234,742 Carrefour (in Metro P.P.) Carrefour (in Metro P.P.) Delmas (in Metro P.P.) Delmas (in Metro P.P.) 2 Cap-Haïtien Nord 534,815 3 Carrefour (in Metro P.P.) Ouest 442,156 4 Delmas (in Metro P.P.) Ouest 382,920 5 Pétion-Ville (in Metro P.P.) Ouest 283,052 6 Port-de-Paix Nord-Ouest 250,000 7 Croix des Bouquets (in Metro P.P.) Ouest 229,127 8 Jacmel Sud-Est 137,966 9 Léogâne Ouest 134,190 10 Les Cayes Sud 125,799 Culture Main article: Culture of Haiti Haiti has a lasting and unique cultural identity, blending traditional French and African customs, mixed with sizable acquirements from the Spanish and indigenous Taíno cultures.[386] Art Main article: Haitian art Swearing-in ceremony of Haitian Diaspora GwètòDe Haitian art is distinctive, particularly through its paintings and sculptures.[386][387][388] Brilliant colors, naïve perspectives, and sly humor characterize Haitian art. Frequent subjects in Haitian art include big, foods, landscapes, market activities, jungle animals, rituals, dances, and gods. As a result of a deep history and strong African ties, symbols take on great meaning within Haitian society. Many artists cluster in 'schools' of painting, such as the Cap-Haïtien school, which features depictions of daily life in the city, the Jacmel School, which reflects the steep mountains and bays of that coastal town, or the Saint-Soleil School, which is characterized by abstracted human forms and is heavily influenced by Vodou symbolism.[citation needed] In the 1920s the indigéniste movement gained international acclaim, with its expressionist paintings inspired by Haiti's culture and African roots. Notable painters of this movement include Hector Hyppolite, Philomé Oban and Préfète Duffaut.[389] Some notable artists of more recent times include Edouard Duval-Carrié, Frantz Zéphirin, Leroy Exil, Prosper Pierre Louis and Louisiane Saint Fleurant.[389] Sculpture is also practiced in Haiti; noted artists in this form include George Liautaud and Serge Jolimeau.[390] Music and dance Further information: Music of Haiti Haitian music combines a wide range of influences drawn from the many people who have settled here. It reflects French, African and Spanish elements and others who have inhabited the island of Hispaniola, and minor native Taino influences. Styles of music unique to the nation of Haiti include music derived from Vodou ceremonial traditions, Rara parading music, Twoubadou ballads, mini-jazz rock bands, Rasin movement, Hip hop kreyòl, méringue,[391] and compas. Youth attend parties at nightclubs called discos, and attend Bal (ball, as in a formal dance). Compas (konpa)[392] is a complex, ever-changing music that arose from African rhythms and European ballroom dancing, mixed with Haiti's bourgeois culture. It is a refined music, with méringue as its basic rhythm. Haiti had no recorded music until 1937 when Jazz Guignard was recorded non-commercially.[393] Literature Main article: Haitian literature Haiti has always been a literary nation that has produced poetry, novels, and plays of international recognition. The French colonial experience established the French language as the venue of culture and prestige, and since then it has dominated the literary circles and the literary production. However, since the 18th century there has been a sustained effort to write in Haitian Creole. The recognition of Creole as an official language has led to an expansion of novels, poems, and plays in Creole.[394] In 1975, Franketienne was the first to break with the French tradition in fiction with the publication of Dezafi, the first novel written entirely in Haitian Creole.[395] Other well known Haitian authors include Jean Price-Mars, Jacques Roumain, Marie Vieux-Chauvet, Pierre Clitandre, René Depestre, Edwidge Danticat, Lyonel Trouillot and Dany Laferrière. Cinema Haiti has a small though growing cinema industry. Well-known directors working primarily in documentary film-making include Raoul Peck and Arnold Antonin. Directors producing fictional films include Patricia Benoît, Wilkenson Bruna and Richard Senecal. Cuisine Main article: Haitian cuisine Haiti is famous for its creole cuisine (related to Cajun cuisine), and its soup joumou.[396] Architecture Sans-Souci Palace, National History Park, Haiti See also: List of World Heritage Sites in the Caribbean Monuments include the Sans-Souci Palace and the Citadelle Laferrière, inscribed as a World Heritage Site in 1982.[397] Situated in the Northern Massif du Nord, in the National History Park, the structures date from the early 19th century.[398] The buildings were among the first built after Haiti's independence from France. The Citadelle Laferrière, the largest fortress in the Americas, is located in northern Haiti. It was built between 1805 and 1820 and is today referred to by some Haitians as the eighth wonder of the world.[108] The Institute for the Protection of National Heritage has preserved 33 historical monuments and the historic center of Cap-Haïtien.[399] Jacmel, a colonial city that was tentatively accepted as a World Heritage Site, was extensively damaged by the 2010 Haiti earthquake.[398] Museums Santa María's anchor on display The anchor of Christopher Columbus's largest ship, the Santa María rests in the Musée du Panthéon National Haïtien (MUPANAH), in Port-au-Prince.[400] Folklore and mythology Main article: Haitian mythology Haiti is known for its folklore traditions.[401] Much of this is rooted in Haitian Vodou tradition. Belief in zombies is also common.[402] Other folkloric creatures include the lougarou.[402] National holidays and festivals Further information: Public holidays in Haiti The Haitian Carnival has been one of the most popular carnivals in the Caribbean. In 2010, the government decided to stage the event in a different city outside Port-au-Prince every year.[403][404] The National Carnival follows the popular Jacmel Carnival, which takes place a week earlier in February or March.[403] Rara is a festival celebrated before Easter. The festival has generated a style of Carnival music.[405][406] Sports Main article: Culture of Haiti § Sports Haiti national football team training in Port-au-Prince, 2004 Football (soccer) is the most popular sport in Haiti with hundreds of small clubs competing at the local level. Basketball and baseball are growing in popularity.[407][408] Stade Sylvio Cator is the multi-purpose stadium in Port-au-Prince, currently used mostly for association football matches. In 1974, the Haiti national football team were only the second Caribbean team to make the World Cup. The national team won the 2007 Caribbean Nations Cup.[409] Haiti has participated in the Olympic Games since the year 1900 and won a number of medals. Haitian footballer Joe Gaetjens played for the United States national team in the 1950 FIFA World Cup, scoring the winning goal in the 1–0 upset of England.[410] Cap-Haïtien (French: [kap a.isjɛ̃]; Haitian Creole: Kap Ayisyen; "Haitian Cape"), typically spelled Cape Haitien in English and often locally referred to as Le Cap, Okap or Au Cap, is a commune of about 190,000 people on the north coast of Haiti and capital of the department of Nord. Previously named Cap‑Français (Haitian Creole: Kap-Fransè; initially Cap-François[4] Haitian Creole: Kap-Franswa) and Cap‑Henri (Haitian Creole: Kap-Enri) during the rule of Henri I, it was historically nicknamed the Paris of the Antilles, because of its wealth and sophistication, expressed through its architecture and artistic life.[5][6][7][8] It was an important city during the colonial period, serving as the capital of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue from the city's formal foundation in 1711 until 1770 when the capital was moved to Port-au-Prince. After the Haitian Revolution, it became the capital of the Kingdom of Haiti under King Henri I until 1820. Cap-Haïtien's long history of independent thought was formed in part by its relative distance from Port-au-Prince, the barrier of mountains between it and the southern part of the country, and a history of large African populations. These contributed to making it a legendary incubator of independent movements since slavery times. For instance, from February 5–29, 2004, the city was taken over by militants who opposed the rule of the Haïtian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. They eventually created enough political pressure to force him out of office and the country. Cap-Haïtien is near the historic Haitian town of Milot, which lies 19 kilometres (12 mi) to the southwest along a gravel road. Milot was Haiti's first capital under the self-proclaimed King Henri Christophe, who ascended to power in 1807, three years after Haiti had gained independence from France. He renamed Cap‑Français as Cap‑Henri. Milot is the site of his Sans-Souci Palace, wrecked by the 1842 earthquake. The Citadelle Laferrière, a massive stone fortress bristling with cannons, atop a nearby mountain is eight kilometres (5 mi) away. On clear days, its silhouette is visible from Cap‑Haïtien. The small Cap-Haïtien International Airport, located on the southeast edge of the city, is served by several small domestic airlines. It has been patrolled by Chilean UN troops from the "O'Higgins Base" since the 2010 earthquake. The airport is currently being expanded. Several hundred UN personnel, including nearby units from Nepal and Uruguay, are assigned to the city as part of the ongoing United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). History The well-preserved Cathedral Notre-Dame of Cap‑Haïtien. The island was occupied for thousands of years by cultures of indigenous peoples, who had migrated from present-day Central and South America. In the 16th century, Spanish explorers in the Caribbean began to colonize Hispaniola. They adopted the native Taíno name Guárico for the area that is today known as "Cap‑Haïtien".[9] Due to the introduction of new infectious diseases, as well as poor treatment, the indigenous peoples population rapidly declined. On the nearby coast Columbus founded his first community in the New World, the short-lived La Navidad. In 1975, researchers found near Cap‑Haïtien another of the first Spanish towns of Hispaniola: Puerto Real was founded in 1503. It was abandoned in 1578, and its ruins were not discovered until late in the twentieth century.[10] A street scene in Cap‑Haïtien The French occupied roughly a third of the island of Hispaniola from the Spanish in the early eighteenth century. They established large sugar cane plantations on the northern plains and imported tens of thousands of African slaves to work them. Cap‑Français became an important port city of the French colonial period and the colony's main commercial centre.[5] It served as the capital of the French colony of Saint-Domingue from the city's formal founding in 1711 until 1770, when the capital was moved to Port-au-Prince on the west coast of the island. After the slave revolution, this was the first capital of the Kingdom of Haiti under King Henri I, when the nation was split apart. The central area of the city is between the Bay of Cap‑Haïtien to the east and nearby mountainsides to the west; these are increasingly dominated by flimsy urban slums. The streets are generally narrow and arranged in grids. As a legacy of the United States' occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, Cap‑Haïtien's north–south streets were renamed as single letters (beginning with Rue A, a major avenue) and going to "Q", and its east–west streets with numbers from 1 to 26; the system is not followed outside the central city, where French names predominate. The historic city has numerous markets, churches, and low-rise apartment buildings (of three–four storeys), constructed primarily before and during the U.S. occupation. Much of the infrastructure in need of repair. Many such buildings have balconies on the upper floors, which overlook the narrow streets below. With people eating outside on the balconies, there is an intimate communal atmosphere during dinner hours. Engraving of Cap-Français in 1728 Engraving of Cap-Français in 1728   Fire of Cap Français, 21 June 1793 Fire of Cap Français, 21 June 1793   The French army led by Le Clerc lands in Cap Français (1802) The French army led by Le Clerc lands in Cap Français (1802)   American Marines in 1915 defending the entrance gate in Cap-Haïten American Marines in 1915 defending the entrance gate in Cap-Haïten   Marine's base at Cap-Haïtien Marine's base at Cap-Haïtien Economy French colonial architecture in Cap Cap-Haïtien is known as the nation's largest center of historic monuments and as such, it is a tourist destination. The bay, beaches and monuments have made it a resort and vacation destination for Haiti's upper classes, comparable to Pétion-Ville. Cap‑Haïtien has also attracted more international tourists at times, as it has been isolated from the political instability in the south of the island. It has a wealth of French colonial architecture, which has been well preserved. During and after the Haitian Revolution, many craftsmen from Cap‑Haïtien, who were free people of color, fled to French-controlled New Orleans as they were under attack by the mostly African slaves. As a result, the two cities share many similarities in styles of architecture. Especially notable are the gingerbread houses lining the city's older streets. Tourism Labadie and other beaches Labadie beach and village The walled Labadie (or Labadee) beach resort compound is located ten kilometres (6 mi) to the city's northwest. It serves as a brief stopover for Royal Caribbean International (RCI) cruise ships. Major RCI cruise ships dock weekly at Labadie. It is a private resort leased by RCI, which has generated the largest proportion of tourist revenue to Haiti since 1986. It employs 300 locals, allows another 200 to sell their wares on the premises, and pays the Haitian government US$6 per tourist. The resort is connected to Cap‑Haïtien by a mountainous, recently paved road. RCI has built a pier at Labadie, completed in late 2009, capable of servicing the luxury-class large ships.[11] Attractions include a Haitian market, numerous beaches, watersports, a water-oriented playground, and a zip-line.[12] People not on cruises can visit the beach, too. Water taxis parked at Labadie beach A view of the beach at Paradis Cormier Plage is another beach on the way to Labadie, and there are also water taxis from Labadie to other beaches, like Paradis beach. In addition, Belli Beach is a small sandy cove with boats and hotels. Labadie village could be visited from here.[13] Vertières Vertières is the site of the Battle of Vertières, the last and defining battle of the Haitian Revolution. On November 18, 1803, the Haitian army led by Jean-Jacques Dessalines defeated a French colonial army led by the Comte de Rochambeau. The French withdrew their remaining 7,000 troops (many had died from yellow fever and other diseases), and in 1804, Dessalines' revolutionary government declared the independence of Haiti. The revolution had been underway, with some pauses, since the 1790s. In this last battle for independence, rebel leader Capois La Mort survived all the French bullets that nearly killed him. His horse was killed under him, and his hat fell off, but he kept advancing on the French, yelling, "En avant!" (Go forward!) to his men. He has become renowned as a hero of the revolution. The 18 of November has been widely celebrated since then as a Day of Army and Victory in Haiti. View of the Citadelle Laferrière, in northern Haiti Inside the ruins of Sans Souci Palace Citadelle Henry and Sans-Souci Palace The Citadelle Laferrière, also known as Citadelle Henry, or the Citadelle, is a large mountaintop fortress located approximately 27 kilometres (17 mi) south of the city of Cap‑Haïtien and eight kilometres (5 mi) beyond the town of Milot. It is the largest fortress in the Americas, and was listed by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site in 1982 along with the nearby Sans-Souci Palace. The Citadel was built by Henry Christophe, a leader during the Haitian slave rebellion and self-declared King of Northern Haiti, after the country gained its independence from France in 1804. Together with the remains of his Sans-Souci Palace, damaged in the 1842 earthquake, Citadelle Henry has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.[14] Bois Caïman Further information: Bois Caïman Bois Caïman (Haitian Creole: Bwa Kayiman), three kilometres (2 mi) south of road RN 1, is the place where Vodou rites were performed under a tree at the beginning of the slave revolution. For decades, maroons had been terrorizing slaveholders on the northern plains by poisoning their food and water. Makandal is the legendary (and perhaps historical) figure associated with the growing resistance movement. By the 1750s, he had organized the maroons, as well as many people enslaved on plantations, into a secret army. Makandal was murdered (or disappeared) in 1758, but the resistance movement grew. At Bois Caïman, a maroon leader named Dutty Boukman held the first mass antislavery meeting secretly on August 14, 1791. At this meeting, a Vodou ceremony was performed, and all those present swore to die rather than to endure the continuation of slavery on the island. Following the ritual led by Boukman and a mambo named Cécile Fatiman, the insurrection started on the night of August 22–23, 1791. Boukman was killed in an ambush soon after the revolution began. Jean-François was the next leader to follow Dutty Boukman in the uprising of the slaves, the Haitian equivalent of the storming of the Bastille in the French Revolution. Slaves burned the plantations and cane fields, and massacred French colonists across the northern plains. They also attacked Cap-Français and some of the free people of color. Eventually the revolution gained the independence of Haiti from France and freedom for the slaves. The site of Dutty Boukman's ceremony is marked by a ficus tree. Adjoining it is a colonial well, which is credited with mystic powers. Morne Rouge Morne Rouge is eight kilometres (5 mi) to the south of Cap. It is the site of the sugar plantation known as "Habitation Le Normand de Mezy", known for several slaves who led the rebellion against the French.[15] Disasters 1842 Cap-Haïtien earthquake Main article: 1842 Cap-Haïtien earthquake On 7 May 1842, an earthquake destroyed most of the city and other towns in the north of Haiti and the neighboring Dominican Republic. Among the buildings destroyed or significantly damaged was the Sans-Souci Palace. Ten thousand people were killed in the earthquake.[16] Its magnitude is estimated as 8.1 on the Richter scale. 2010 Haiti earthquake Main article: 2010 Haiti earthquake In the wake of the 2010 Haiti earthquake, which destroyed port facilities in Port-au-Prince, the Port international du Cap-Haïtien was used to deliver relief supplies by ship.[17] As the city's infrastructure suffered little damage, numerous businessmen and many residents have moved here from Port-au-Prince. The airport is patrolled by Chilean UN troops since the 2010 earthquake, and several hundred UN personnel have been assigned to the city as part of the ongoing United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). They are working on recovery throughout the island. After the earthquake, the port of Labadee was demolished and the pier enlarged and completely re-paved with concrete, which now allows larger cruise ships to dock, rather than tendering passengers to shore. Cap-Haïtien fuel tanker explosion Main article: Cap-Haïtien fuel tanker explosion On 14 December 2021, over 75 people were killed when a fuel tank truck overturned and later exploded in the Samari neighborhood of Cap-Haïtien. Transportation Airports Cap-Haïtien is served by the Cap-Haïtien International Airport (CAP), Haiti's second busiest airport.[18] It was a hub for Salsa d'Haiti prior to its cessation in 2013. American Airlines operated international flights to CAP for a number of years, but canceled their last connection in July, 2020, after the COVID-19 pandemic significantly reduced passenger demand. American Airlines was the last major US flight operator to provide service to CAP and thereby Northern Haiti—in July, 2020, Cap-Haïtien became only accessible by air travel through limited flights from Port-au-Prince's Toussaint Louverture International Airport.[19] Spirit Airlines, which had previously canceled their service due to political unrest and low demand in 2019, announced in October, 2020 that they would resume limited service to CAP in December of the same year.[20] Seaport The Port international du Cap-Haïtien is Cap-Haïtien's main seaport. Roads The Route Nationale#1 connects Cap-Haïtien with the Haitian capital city Port-au-Prince via the cities of Saint-Marc and Gonaïves. The Route Nationale#3 also connects Cap-Haïtien with Port-au-Prince via the Central Plateau and the cities of Mirebalais and Hinche. Cap-Haïtien has one of the best grid systems in Haiti with its north–south streets were renamed as single letters (beginning with Rue A, a major avenue), and its east–west streets with numbers. The Boulevard du Cap-Haitian (also called the Boulevard Carenage) is Cap‑Haïtien's main boulevard that runs along the Atlantic Ocean in the northern part of the city. Public transportation Cap-Haïtien is served by tap tap and local taxis or motorcycles. Health Cap Haitien is served by the teaching hospital: Hôpital Universitaire Justinien. Education A union of four Catholic Church private schools have been present for two decades in Cap‑Haïtien. They have higher-level grades, equivalent to the lycées that feed the Écoles Normale Supérieure in France. They have high standards of academic excellence, selectivity in admissions, and generally their students come from the social and economic elite. Also, the lyceé Philippe Guerrier that was built in 1844 by the Haitian President, Philippe Guerrier, has been a fountain of knowledge for more than a century. Collège Notre-Dame du Perpetuel Secours des Pères de Sainte-Croix Collège Regina Assumpta des Sœurs de Sainte-Croix École des Frères de l'instruction Chrétienne École Saint Joseph de Cluny des Sœurs Anne-Marie Javoue Lyceé Philippe Guerrier built by the Haitian President, Philippe Guerrier in 1844. Universities Cap Haitien is home to the Cap-Haitien Faculty of Law, Economics and, Management; the Public University of the North in Cap Haitien (UPNCH). The new Université Roi Henry Christophe is nearby in Limonade. Sport Cap Haitien has the Parc Saint-Victor home of three major league teams: Football Inter Club Association, AS Capoise, and Real du Cap. Communal sections The commune consists of three communal sections, namely: Bande du Nord, urban (part of the commune of Cap-Haïtien) and rural Haut du Cap, urban (part of the commune of Cap-Haïtien) and rural Petit Anse, urban (commune of Petit Anse) and rural Notable natives Etienne Chavannes, painter Tyrone Edmond, Haitian-born model. Fred Joseph Jr, Haitian-born philanthropist. Founder and president of Help Us Save Us Non-Profit Organization.[21] Yolette Lévy (1938-2018), Haitian-born Canadian politician and activist Louis Mercier, Haitian educator (born May 5, 1893 in Cap-Haïtien) Alfred Auguste Nemours, military historian and diplomat Philomé Obin, artist Leonel Saint-Preux, footballer Ulrick Pierre-Louis, founder of orchestre Septentrional Bruny Surin, track and field runner Mike Bellot, Haitian entrepreneur Gallery Haitian Vodou[a] (/ˈvoʊduː/) is an African diasporic religion that developed in Haiti between the 16th and 19th centuries. It arose through a process of syncretism between several traditional religions of West and Central Africa and Roman Catholicism. There is no central authority in control of the religion and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Vodouists, Vodouisants, or Serviteurs. Vodou teaches the existence of a transcendent creator divinity, Bondye, under whom are spirits known as lwa. Typically deriving their names and attributes from traditional West and Central African deities, they are equated with Roman Catholic saints. The lwa divide into different groups, the nanchon ("nations"), most notably the Rada and the Petwo, about whom various myths and stories are told. This theology has been labelled both monotheistic and polytheistic. An initiatory tradition, Vodouists commonly venerate the lwa at an ounfò (temple), run by an oungan (priest) or manbo (priestess). Alternatively, Vodou is also practised within family groups or in secret societies like the Bizango. A central ritual involves practitioners drumming, singing, and dancing to encourage a lwa to possess one of their members and thus communicate with them. Offerings to the lwa, and to spirits of the dead, include fruit, liquor, and sacrificed animals. Several forms of divination are utilized to decipher messages from the lwa. Healing rituals and the preparation of herbal remedies and talismans also play a prominent role. Vodou developed among Afro-Haitian communities amid the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. Its structure arose from the blending of the traditional religions of those enslaved West and Central Africans brought to the island of Hispaniola, among them Kongo, Fon, and Yoruba. There, it absorbed influences from the culture of the French colonialists who controlled the colony of Saint-Domingue, most notably Roman Catholicism but also Freemasonry. Many Vodouists were involved in the Haitian Revolution of 1791 to 1801 which overthrew the French colonial government, abolished slavery, and transformed Saint-Domingue into the republic of Haiti. The Roman Catholic Church left for several decades following the Revolution, allowing Vodou to become Haiti's dominant religion. In the 20th century, growing emigration spread Vodou abroad. The late 20th century saw growing links between Vodou and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as Cuban Santería and Brazilian Candomblé, while some practitioners influenced by the Négritude movement have sought to remove Roman Catholic influences. Most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism, seeing no contradiction in pursuing the two different systems simultaneously. Smaller Vodouist communities exist elsewhere, especially among Haitian diasporas in Cuba and the United States. Both in Haiti and abroad Vodou has spread beyond its Afro-Haitian origins and is practiced by individuals of various ethnicities. Having faced much criticism through its history, Vodou has been described as one of the world's most misunderstood religions. Definitions and terminology Vodou paraphernalia for sale at the Marché de Fer (Iron Market) in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Vodou is a religion.[6] More specifically, scholars have characterised it as an Afro-Haitian religion,[7] and as Haiti's "national religion".[8] Its main structure derives from the African traditional religions of West and Central Africa which were brought to Haiti by enslaved Africans between the 16th and 19th centuries.[9] Of these, the greatest influences came from the Fon and Bakongo peoples.[10] On the island, these African religions mixed with the iconography of European-derived traditions such as Roman Catholicism and Freemasonry,[11] taking the form of Vodou around the mid-18th century.[12] In combining varied influences, Vodou has often been described as syncretic,[13] or a "symbiosis",[14] a religion exhibiting diverse cultural influences.[15] As formed in Haiti, Vodou represented "a new religion",[16] "a creolized New World system",[17] one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions.[18] The scholar Leslie Desmangles therefore called it an "African-derived tradition",[19] Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion",[20] and Markel Thylefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion".[21] Several other African diasporic religions found in the Americas formed in a similar way, and owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of Cuban Santería and Brazilian Candomblé.[22] Vodou has no central institutional authority,[23] no single leader,[24] and no developed body of doctrine.[25] It thus has no orthodoxy,[26] no central liturgy,[27] and no formal creed.[28] Developing over the course of several centuries,[29] it has changed over time.[30] It displays variation at both the regional and local level[31]—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora[32]—as well as among different congregations.[33] It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally,[34] with the latter termed "temple Vodou".[35] In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous. Many Haitians thus practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism,[36] with Vodouists usually regarding themselves as Roman Catholics.[37] In Haiti, Vodouists have also practiced Mormonism,[38] or been involved in Freemasonry;[39] in Cuba they have involved themselves in Santería,[40] and in the United States with modern Paganism.[41] Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Vodouists have adopted elements from Spiritism.[42] Influenced by the Négritude movement, other Vodouists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.[43] Terminology In English, Vodou's practitioners are termed Vodouists;[44] in French and Haitian Creole, they are called Vodouisants[45] or Vodouyizan.[46] Another term for adherents is sèvitè (serviteurs, "devotees"),[47] reflecting their self-description as people who sèvi lwa ("serve the lwa"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou.[48] An oungan (Vodou priest) with another practitioner at a ceremony in Haiti in 2011 Many words used in the religion derive from the Fon language of West Africa;[49] this includes the word Vodou itself.[9] First recorded in the 1658 Doctrina Christiana,[50] the Fon word Vôdoun was used in the West African kingdom of Dahomey to signify a spirit or deity.[51] In Haitian Creole, Vodou came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming,[52] before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion.[53] The word Vodou now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices",[54] incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate".[55] Vodou is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion;[55] many practitioners describe their belief system with the term Ginen, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.[32] Vodou is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by the United States Library of Congress.[56] Some scholars prefer the spellings Vodoun, Voudoun, or Vodun,[57] while in French the spellings vaudou[58] or vaudoux also appear.[59] The spelling Voodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion.[60] This is both to avoid confusion with Louisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition,[61] and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the term Voodoo has in Western popular culture.[62] Beliefs Bondye and the lwa A selection of ritual items used in Vodou practice on display in the Canadian Museum of Civilization. Vodou is monotheistic,[63] teaching the existence of single supreme God.[64] This entity is called Bondye or Bonié,[65] a name deriving from the French term Bon Dieu ("Good God").[66] Another term used is the Gran Mèt,[67] borrowed from Freemasonry.[39] For Vodouists, Bondye is seen as the ultimate source of power,[68] an entity that created the universe,[69] and which is responsible for maintaining cosmic order.[70] Haitians frequently use the phrase si Bondye vle ("if Bondye wishes"), suggesting a belief that all things occur in accordance with this divinity's will.[71] Vodouists regard Bondye as being transcendent and remote;[72] as the God is uninvolved in human affairs,[73] they see little point in approaching it directly.[74] While Vodouists often equate Bondye with the Christian God,[75] Vodou does not incorporate belief in a powerful antagonist that opposes the supreme being akin to the Christian notion of Satan.[76] Vodou has also been characterized as polytheistic.[74] It teaches the existence of beings called the lwa,[77] a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses".[78] These lwa are also known as the mystères, anges, saints, and les invisibles,[47] and are sometimes equated with the angels of Christian cosmology.[75] Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand lwa.[79] They serve as Bondye's intermediaries,[80] and communicate with humans both by possessing them and through dreams.[81] Vodouists believe the lwa are capable of offering people help, protection, and counsel in return for ritual service.[82] Each lwa has its own personality,[47] and is associated with specific colors,[83] days of the week,[84] and objects.[47] They are however not seen as moral exemplars for practitioners to imitate.[85] The lwa can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees;[47] they are easily offended, for instance if offered food they dislike.[86] When angered, the lwa are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.[87] Although there are exceptions, most lwa names derive from the Fon and Yoruba languages.[88] New lwa are nevertheless added to the pantheon, with both talismans and certain humans thought capable of becoming lwa,[89] in the latter case through their strength of personality or power.[90] Vodouists often refer to the lwa living in the sea or in rivers,[84] or alternatively in Guinea,[91] a term encompassing a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land of the Haitian people.[92] The nanchon A painting of the lwa Danbala, a serpent, by Haitian artist Hector Hyppolite. Hyppolite was himself an oungan[93] The lwa divide into nanchon or "nations".[94] This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethno-cultural identity.[47] The term fanmi (family) is sometimes used synonymously with nanchon or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category.[95] It is often claimed that there are 17 nanchon,[96] of which the Rada and the Petwo are the largest and most dominant.[97] The Rada lwa are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwo lwa as 'hot'.[98] This means that the Rada are dous or doux, or sweet-tempered, while the Petwo are lwa cho, indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire.[99] Whereas the Rada are generally righteous, their Petwo counterparts are more morally ambiguous and associated with issues like money.[100] The Rada owe more to Dahomeyan and Yoruba influences;[101] their name probably comes from Arada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa.[102] The Petwo derive largely from Kongo religion,[103] although also exhibit Dahomeyan and creolised influences.[104] Some lwa exist andezo or en deux eaux, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.[105] In Rada ceremonies, the first lwa saluted is Papa Legba, also known as Legba.[106] Depicted as a feeble old man wearing rags and using a crutch,[107] Papa Legba is the protector of gates and fences and thus of the home, as well as of roads, paths, and crossroads.[108] In Petwo rites, the first lwa invoked is usually Mèt Kalfou.[109] The second lwa usually greeted are the Marasa or sacred twins.[110] In Vodou, every nanchon has its own Marasa,[111] reflecting a belief that twins have special powers.[112] Agwe, also known as Agwe-taroyo, is associated with aquatic life, and protector of ships and fishermen.[113] Agwe is believed to rule the sea with his consort, La Sirène.[114] She is a mermaid or siren, and is sometimes described as Èzili of the Waters because she is believed to bring good luck and wealth from the sea.[115] Èzili Freda or Erzuli Freda is the lwa of love and luxury, personifying feminine beauty and grace.[116] Ezili Dantor is a lwa who takes the form of a peasant woman.[117] A vèvè pattern designed to invoke Baron Samedi, the chief of the Gede lwa Azaka is the lwa of crops and agriculture,[118] usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin".[119] His consort is the female lwa Kouzinn.[120] Loco is the lwa of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered the lwa of healing too.[121] Ogou is a warrior lwa,[122] associated with weapons.[123] Sogbo is a lwa associated with lightning,[124] while his companion, Bade, is associated with the wind.[125] Danbala is a serpent lwa and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes;[126] he is one of the most popular deities in the pantheon.[127] Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes.[126] The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.[128] Usually seen as a fanmi rather than a nanchon,[129] the Gede are associated with the realm of the dead.[130] The head of the family is Baron Samedi ("Baron Saturday");[131] his presence is often marked out in a Haitian cemetery with a large cross.[132] His consort is Gran Brigit,[133] who has authority over cemeteries and is mother to many of the other Gede.[134] The Gede regularly satirise the ruling authorities,[135] and are welcomed to rituals as they are thought to bring merriment.[130] The Gede's symbol is an erect penis,[136] while the banda dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting,[137] and those possessed by these lwa typically make sexual innuendos.[138] The lwa and the saints Most lwa are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints.[139] These links are reliant on "analogies between their respective functions";[140] Azaka, the lwa of agriculture, is for instance associated with Saint Isidore the farmer.[141] Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated with Saint Peter, who is visually depicted holding keys in traditional Roman Catholic imagery.[142] The lwa of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated with Mater Dolorosa.[143] Danbala the serpent is often equated with Saint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted with snakes, or with Moses, whose staff turned into serpents.[144] The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saints Cosmos and Damian.[145] Scholars like Desmangles have argued that Vodouists originally adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceal lwa worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period.[146] Observing Vodou in the latter part of the 20th century, Donald J. Cosentino argued that by that point, the use of Roman Catholic saints reflected the genuine devotional expression of many Vodouists.[147] The scholar Marc A. Christophe concurred, stating that most modern Vodouists genuinely see the saints and lwa as one, reflecting Vodou's "all-inclusive and harmonizing characteristics".[148] Many Vodouists possess chromolithographic prints of the saints,[147] while images of these Christian figures can also be found on temple walls,[149] and on the drapo flags used in Vodou ritual.[150] Vodouists also often adopt and reinterpret Biblical stories and theorise about the nature of Jesus of Nazareth.[151] Soul and afterlife A Haitian drapo banner depicting a Roman Catholic saint Vodou holds that Bondye created humanity in its image, fashioning humans from water and clay.[152] It teaches the existence of a soul, the espri,[153] or the nanm,[154] which is divided in two parts.[155] One of these is the ti bonnanj ("little good angel"), understood as the conscience that allows an individual to engage in self-reflection and self-criticism. The other part is the gwo bonnanj ("big good angel") and this constitutes the psyche, source of memory, intelligence, and personhood.[156] Both parts are believed to reside within an individual's head,[157] although the gwo bonnanj is thought capable of leaving the head and travelling while a person sleeps.[158] Vodouists believe that every individual is connected to a specific lwa, regarded as their mèt tèt (master of the head).[159] They believe that this lwa informs the individual's personality.[160] Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelary lwa can be identified through divination or by consulting lwa when they possess other humans.[161] Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", capable of seeing the identity of a person's tutelary lwa.[162] Vodou holds that Bondye has preordained the time of everyone's death,[163] but does not teach the existence of an afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas of heaven and hell.[164] Instead, a common belief is that at bodily death, the gwo bonnanj join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while the ti bonnanj proceeds to face judgement before Bondye.[165] This idea of judgement is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouists to believe that the ti bonnanj dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death.[166] The land of the Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky.[167] Some Vodouists believe that the gwo bonnanj stays in the land of the Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the Gede family.[168] However, Vodouists usually distinguish the spirits of the dead from the Gede proper, for the latter are lwa.[169] Vodou also teaches that the dead continue to participate in human affairs,[170] with these spirits often complaining that they suffer from hunger, cold, and damp,[171] and thus requiring sacrifices from the living.[74] Morality, ethics, and gender roles See also: Haitian Vodou and sexual orientation Vodou ethical standards correspond to its sense of cosmological order,[70] with a belief in the interdependence of things playing a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues.[172] Serving the lwa is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits;[173] for Vodouists, virtue is maintained by ensuring a responsible relationship with the lwa.[85] Vodou also promotes a belief in destiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice.[174] This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging a fatalistic outlook,[175] something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouists from improving their society.[176] This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible for Haiti's poverty,[177] a view that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans.[178] A vèvè pattern designed to invoke Papa Legba, one of the main lwa spirits worshipped in Haitian Vodou Although Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives,[179] it offers no prescriptive code of ethics.[180] Rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation,[181] with no clear binary division between good and evil.[182] Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune;[183] doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic.[184] Among Vodouists, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelary lwa.[181] In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad.[70] Maji, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually thought bad.[185] The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouists, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to Petwo rites.[186] The extended family is of importance in Haitian society,[187] with Vodou reinforcing family ties,[188] and emphasising respect for the elderly.[189] Vodou has been described as reflecting misogynistic elements of Haitian culture while simultaneously empowering women by allowing them to become priestesses,[190] through which they can lay claim to moral authority as social and spiritual leaders.[191] Vodou is also considered sympathetic to gay people,[192] with many gay and bisexual individuals holding status as Vodou priests and priestesses,[193] and some groups having largely gay congregations.[194] Some Vodouists state that the lwa determined their sexual orientation, turning them homosexual,[195] while the lwa Èzili is seen as the patron of masisi (gay men).[196] Practices The anthropologist Alfred Métraux described Vodou as "a practical and utilitarian religion".[84] Its practices largely revolve around interactions with the lwa,[197] and incorporate song, drumming, dance, prayer, possession, and animal sacrifice.[198] Practitioners gather together for sèvices (services) in which they commune with the lwa.[199] Ceremonies for a particular lwa often coincide with the feast day of the Roman Catholic saint which that lwa is associated with.[200] The mastery of ritual forms is considered imperative in Vodou.[201] The purpose of ritual is to echofe ("heat things up"), thus bringing about change, whether that be to remove barriers or to facilitate healing.[202] Secrecy is important in Vodou.[203] It is an initiatory tradition,[204] operating through a system of graded induction or initiation.[100] When an individual agrees to serve a lwa, it is deemed a lifelong commitment.[205] Vodou has a strong oral culture, and its teachings are primarily disseminated through oral transmission,[206] although many practitioners began to use texts after they appeared in the mid-20th century.[207] The ritual language used in Vodou is termed langaj.[208] Unlike in Santería and Candomblé, which employ Yoruba as a liturgical language not understood by most practitioners, in Vodou the liturgies are predominantly in Haitian Creole, the everyday language of most Vodouists.[209] Oungan and Manbo Ceremonial suit worn in Haitian Vodou rites, on display in the Ethnological Museum of Berlin, Germany Male priests are referred to as an oungan, alternatively spelled houngan or hungan,[210] or a prèt Vodou ("Vodou priest").[211] Priestesses are termed manbo, alternatively spelled mambo.[212] Oungan numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas.[213] The oungan and manbo are tasked with organising liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick.[214] There is no priestly hierarchy, with oungan and manbo being largely self-sufficient.[214] In many cases, the role is hereditary.[215] Historical evidence suggests that the role of the oungan and manbo intensified over the course of the 20th century.[216] As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.[217] Vodou teaches that the lwa call an individual to become an oungan or manbo,[218] and if the latter refuses then misfortune may befall them.[219] A prospective oungan or manbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing oungan or manbo lasting several months or years.[220] After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates.[221] Other oungan and manbo do not undergo any apprenticeship, but claim that they have gained their training directly from the lwa.[222] Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as hungan-macoutte, a term bearing some disparaging connotations.[220] Becoming an oungan or manbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple.[223] To finance this, many save up for a long time.[223] Vodouists believe that the oungan's role is modelled on the lwa Loco;[224] in Vodou mythology, he was the first oungan and his consort Ayizan the first manbo.[225] The oungan and manbo are expected to display the power of second sight,[226] something regarded as a gift from Bondye that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams.[227] Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them,[228] and may bolster their status with claims to have received revelations from the lwa, sometimes via visits to the lwa's own abode.[229] There is often bitter competition between different oungan and manbo.[230] Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets.[231] In many cases, oungan and manbo become wealthier than their clients.[232] Oungan and manbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society.[233] Being an oungan or manbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit,[234] although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely.[235] Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common.[236] They can recite from printed texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community.[236] Owing to their prominence in a community, the oungan and manbo can effectively become political leaders,[227] or otherwise exert an influence on local politics.[234] The ounfò A Vodou temple is called an ounfò,[237] varyingly spelled hounfò,[238] hounfort,[239] or humfo.[34] An alternative term is gangan, although the connotations of this term vary regionally in Haiti.[240] Most communal Vodou activities centre around this ounfò,[225] forming what is called "temple Vodou".[35] The size and shape of ounfòs vary, from basic shacks to more lavish structures, the latter being more common in Port-au-Prince.[225] Their designs are dependent on the resources and tastes of the oungan or manbo running them.[241] Each ounfò is autonomous,[242] and often has its own unique customs.[243] A Vodou peristil in Croix des Mission, Haiti, photographed in 1980 The main ceremonial room in the ounfò is the peristil,[244] understood as a microcosmic representation of the cosmos.[245] In the peristil, brightly painted posts hold up the roof;[246] the central post is the poto mitan,[247] which is used as a pivot during ritual dances and the pillar through which the lwa enter the room during ceremonies.[246] It is around this central post that offerings, including both vèvè patterns and animal sacrifices, are made.[197] However, in the Haitian diaspora many Vodouists perform their rites in basements, where no poto mitan are available.[248] The peristil typically has an earthen floor, allowing libations to the lwa to drain directly into the soil;[249] where this is not possible, libations are poured into an enamel basin.[250] Some peristil include seating around the walls.[251] Adjacent rooms in the ounfò include the caye-mystéres, also known as the bagi, badji, or sobadji.[252] This is where stonework altars, known as pè, stand against the wall or are arranged in tiers.[252] Also present may be a sink dedicated to the lwa Danbala-Wedo.[253] The caye-mystéres is also used to store clothing that will be worn by those possessed by the lwa during rituals.[254] If space is available, the ounfò may also have a room set aside for the patron lwa of that temple.[255] Many ounfòs have a room known as the djévo in which the initiate is confined during their initiatory ceremony.[254] Every ounfò usually has a room or corner of a room devoted to Erzuli Freda.[256] Some ounfò will also have additional rooms in which the oungan or manbo lives.[255] The area around the ounfò often contains objects dedicated to particular lwa, such as a pool of water for Danbala, a black cross for Baron Samedi, and a pince (iron bar) embedded in a brazier for Criminel.[257] Sacred trees, known as arbres-reposoirs, sometimes mark the ounfò's external boundary.[258] Hanging from these trees can be found macounte straw sacks, strips of material, and animal skulls.[258] Various animals, particularly birds but also some mammal species such as goats, are sometimes kept within the perimeter of the ounfò for use as sacrifices.[258] The congregation A Vodou ceremony taking place in an ounfò in Jacmel, Haiti Forming a spiritual community of practitioners,[197] the ounfò's congregation are known as the pititt-caye (children of the house).[259] They worship under the authority of an oungan or manbo,[34] below whom is ranked the ounsi, individuals who make a lifetime commitment to serving the lwa.[260] Members of either sex can join the ounsi, although most are female.[261] The ounsi's duties include cleaning the peristil, sacrificing animals, and taking part in the dances at which they must be prepared to be possessed by a lwa.[262] The oungan and manbo conduct initiatory ceremonies whereby people become ounsi,[227] oversee their training,[225] and act as their counsellor, healer, and protector.[263] In turn, the ounsi are expected to be obedient to their oungan or manbo.[262] One of the ounsi becomes the hungenikon or reine-chanterelle, the mistress of the choir. They are responsible for overseeing the liturgical singing and shaking the chacha rattle which dictates the rhythm during ceremonies.[264] They are aided by the hungenikon-la-place, commandant general de la place, or quartermaster, who is charged with overseeing offerings and keeping order during the rites.[225] Another figure is le confiance (the confidant), the ounsi who oversees the ounfò's administrative functions.[265] Congregants often form a sosyete soutyen (société soutien, support society), through which subscriptions are paid to help maintain the ounfò and organize the major religious feasts.[266] In rural areas especially, a congregation may consist of an extended family.[214] Here, the priest will often be the patriarch of that family.[267] Families, particularly in rural areas, often believe that through their zansèt (ancestors) they are tied to a premye mèt bitasyon (original founder); their descent from this figure is seen as giving them their inheritance both of the land and of familial spirits.[32] In other examples, particularly in urban areas, an ounfò can act as an initiatory family.[268] A priest becomes the papa ("father") while the priestess becomes the manman ("mother") to the initiate;[269] the initiate becomes their initiator's pitit (spiritual child).[207] Those who share an initiator refer to themselves as "brother" and "sister."[220] Individuals may join a particular ounfò because it exists in their locality or because their family are already members. Alternatively, it may be that the ounfò places particular focus on a lwa whom they are devoted to, or that they are impressed by the oungan or manbo who runs the ounfò in question, perhaps having been treated by them.[262] Initiation A vèvè pattern designed to invoke Gran Brigit, one of the lwa spirits worshipped in Haitian Vodou Vodou is hierarchical and includes a series of initiations.[270] There are typically four levels of initiation,[271] the fourth of which makes someone an oungan or manbo.[272] There is much variation in what these initiation ceremonies entail,[111] and the details are kept secret.[273] Each initiatory stage is associated with a state of mind called a konesan (conaissance or knowledge).[274] Successive initiations are required to move through the various konesans,[227] and it is in these konesans that priestly power is believed to reside.[275] The first initiation rite is the kanzo;[276] this term also describes the initiate themselves.[277] Initiation is generally expensive,[278] complex,[272] and requires significant preparation.[111] Prospective initiates are for instance required to memorise many songs and learn the characteristics of various lwa.[111] Vodouists believe the lwa may encourage an individual towards initiation, bringing misfortune upon them if they refuse.[279] Initiation will often be preceded by bathing in special preparations.[280] The first part of the initiation rite is known as the kouche or huño, and is marked by salutations and offerings to the lwa.[281] It begins with the chire ayizan, a ceremony in which palm leaves are frayed and then worn by the initiate.[111] Sometimes the bat ge or batter guerre ("beating war") is performed instead, designed to beat away the old.[111] During the rite, the initiate comes to be regarded as the child of a particular lwa, their mèt tèt.[111] This is followed by a period of seclusion within the djèvo known as the kouche.[111] A deliberately uncomfortable experience,[157] it involves the initiate sleeping on a mat on the floor, often with a stone for a pillow.[282] They wear a white tunic,[283] and a specific salt-free diet is followed.[284] It includes a lav tèt ("head washing") to prepare the initiate for having the lwa enter and reside in their head.[285] Voudoists believe that one of the two parts of the human soul, the gwo bonnanj, is removed from the initiate's head, thus making space for the lwa to enter and reside there.[157] The initiation ceremony requires the preparation of pot tèts (head pots), usually white porcelain cups with a lid in which a range of items are placed, including hair, food, herbs, and oils. These are regarded as a home for the spirits.[286] After the period of seclusion in the djèvo, the new initiate is brought out and presented to the congregation; they are now referred to as ounsi lave tèt.[111] When the new initiate is presented to the rest of the community, they carry their pot tèt on their head, before placing it on the altar.[157] The final stage of the process involves the initiate being given an ason rattle.[287] The initiation process is seen to have ended when the new initiate is first possessed by a lwa.[157] Initiation is seen as creating a bond between a devotee and their tutelary lwa,[288] and the former will often take on a new name that alludes to the name of this lwa.[289] Shrines and altars An altar in Boston, Massachusetts established during the November festival of the Gede The creation of sacred works is important in Vodou.[201] Votive objects used in Haiti are typically made from industrial materials, including iron, plastic, sequins, china, tinsel, and plaster.[30] An altar, or pè, will often contain images (typically lithographs) of Roman Catholic saints.[290] Since developing in the mid-19th century, chromolithography has also had an impact on Vodou imagery, facilitating the widespread availability of images of the Roman Catholic saints who are equated with the lwa.[291] Various Vodouists have made use of varied available materials in constructing their shrines. Cosentino encountered a shrine in Port-au-Prince where Baron Samedi was represented by a plastic statue of Santa Claus wearing a black sombrero,[292] and in another by a statue of Star Wars-character Darth Vader.[293] In Port-au-Prince, it is common for Vodouists to include human skulls on their altar for the Gede.[211] Many practitioners will also have an altar devoted to their ancestors in their home, to which they direct offerings.[294] In ounfòs where both Rada and Petwo deities are worshipped, their altars are kept separate.[295] Various spaces other than the temple are used for Vodou ritual.[296] Cemeteries are seen as places where spirits reside, making them suitable for certain rituals,[296] especially to approach the spirits of the dead.[297] In rural Haiti, cemeteries are often family owned and play a key role in family rituals.[298] Crossroads are also ritual locations, selected as they are believed to be points of access to the spirit world.[296] Other spaces used for Vodou rituals include Christian churches, rivers, the sea, fields, and markets.[296] An ason, the ritual rattle emblematic of the Vodou priesthood Certain trees are regarded as having spirits resident in them and are used as natural altars.[236] Different species of tree are associated with different lwa; Oyu, for example, is linked with mango trees, and Danbala with bougainvillea.[84] Selected trees in Haiti have had metal items affixed to them, serving as shrines to Ogou, who is associated with both iron and the roads.[299] Spaces for ritual also appear in the homes of many Vodouists.[300] These may vary from complex altars to more simple variants including only images of saints alongside candles and a rosary.[35] Drawings known as vèvè are sketched onto the floor of the peristil using cornmeal, ash, coffee grounds, or powdered eggshells;[301] these are central to Vodou ritual.[245] Usually arranged symmetrically around the poto-mitan,[302] these designs sometimes incorporate letters;[236] their purpose is to summon lwa.[302] Inside the peristil, practitioners also unfurl ceremonial flags known as drapo (flags) at the start of a ceremony.[303] Often made of silk or velvet and decorated with shiny objects such as sequins,[304] the drapo often feature either the vèvè of specific lwa they are dedicated to or depictions of the associated Roman Catholic saint.[150] These drapo are understood as points of entry through which the lwa can enter the peristil.[305] A batèms (baptism) is a ritual used to make an object a vessel for the lwa.[306] Objects consecrated for ritual use are believed to contain a spiritual essence or power called nanm.[307] The ason is a sacred rattle used in summoning the lwa,[308] especially for Rada rites.[309] It consists of an empty, dried gourd covered in beads and snake vertebra.[310] Prior to being used in ritual it requires consecration.[311] It is a symbol of the priesthood;[311] assuming the duties of a manbo or oungan is referred to as "taking the ason."[312] For Petwo rites a different rattle, the tcha-tcha, is favored.[309] Another type of sacred object are the "thunder stones", often prehistoric axe-heads, which are associated with specific lwa and kept in oil to preserve their power.[313] Offerings and animal sacrifice A drapo flag, which are used to invoke the lwa at Vodou ceremonies Feeding the lwa is of great importance,[314] with offering rites often termed manje lwa ("feeding the lwa").[315] Offering food and drink to the lwa is Vodou's most common ritual, conducted both communally and in the home.[314] The choice of food and drink offered varies depending on the lwa in question, with different lwa believed to favor different foodstuffs.[316] Danbala for instance requires white foods, especially eggs,[317] while Legba's offerings, whether meat, tubers, or vegetables, need to be grilled on a fire,[314] and the lwa of the Ogu and Nago nations prefer raw rum or clairin.[314] Certain foods are also offered in the belief that they are intrinsically virtuous, such as grilled maize, peanuts, and cassava.[173] A manje sèk (dry meal) is an offering of grains, fruit, and vegetables that often precedes a simple ceremony; it takes its name from the absence of blood.[318] Animal sacrifices are often favored at annual feasts that an oungan or manbo organizes for their congregation.[173] Species used for sacrifice include chickens, goats, and bulls, with pigs often favored for Petwo lwa.[319] The animal may be washed, dressed in the color of the specific lwa, and marked with food or water.[320] Often, the animal's throat will be cut and the blood collected in a calabash.[321] Chickens are often killed by the pulling off of their heads; their limbs may be broken beforehand.[322] In the case of Agwé, a lwa of the sea, a white sheep may be sailed out to Trois Ilets and thrown overboard as a sacrifice.[323] Once killed, the animal may be butchered and organs removed, sometimes cooked, and placed on the altar or vèvè.[324] Here, it sometimes sites within a kwi, a calabash shell bowl.[325] Vodouists believe that the lwa consume the essence of the food.[173] Food is typically offered when it is cool, and is left for a while before humans may eat it.[325] Offerings not consumed by the celebrants are often buried or left at a crossroads.[326] Libations might be poured into the ground.[173] The Dans Multiple styles of drum are employed in Vodou ritual; this example is used in rites invoking Rada lwa Vodou's nocturnal gatherings are often referred to as the dans ("dance"), reflecting the prominent role that dancing has in such ceremonies.[248] Their purpose is to invite a lwa to enter the ritual space and possess one of the worshippers, through whom they can communicate with the congregation.[327] The success of this procedure is predicated on mastering the different ritual actions and on getting the aesthetic right to please the lwa.[327] The proceedings can last for the entirety of the night.[248] On arriving, the congregation typically disperse along the perimeter of the peristil.[248] The ritual often begins with Roman Catholic prayers and hymns;[328] these are often led by a figure known as the prèt savann, although not all ounfò have anyone in this role.[329] This is followed by the shaking of the ason rattle to summon the lwa.[330] Two Haitian Creole songs, the Priyè Deyò ("Outside Prayers"), may then be sung, lasting from 45 minutes to an hour.[331] The main lwa are then saluted, individually, in a specific order.[331] Legba always comes first, as he is believed to open the way for the others.[331] Each lwa may be offered either three or seven songs, which are specific to them.[332] The rites employed to call down the lwa vary depending on the nanchon in question.[333] During large-scale ceremonies, the lwa are invited to appear through the drawing of vèvè on the ground using cornmeal.[217] Also used to call down the spirits is a process of drumming, singing, prayers, and dances.[217] Libations and offerings of food are made to the lwa, which includes animal sacrifices.[217] The order and protocol for welcoming the lwa is referred to as regleman.[334] Dancing at Vodou ceremony in Port-au-Prince in 1976 A symbol of the religion,[335] the drum is perhaps the most sacred item in Vodou.[336] Vodouists believe that ritual drums contain an etheric force, the nanm,[337] and a spirit called ountò.[338] Specific ceremonies accompany the construction of a drum so that it is considered suitable for ritual use.[339] In the bay manje tanbou ("feeding of the drum") ritual, offerings are given to the drum itself.[337] Reflecting its status, when Vodouists enter the peristil they customarily bow before the drums.[340] Different types of drum are used, sometimes reserved for rituals devoted to specific lwa; Petwo rites for instance involve two types of drum, whereas Rada rituals require three.[341] Ritual drummers are called tanbouryes,[342] and becoming one requires a lengthy apprenticeship.[343] The drumming style, choice of rhythm, and composition of the orchestra differs depending on which nation of lwa are being invoked.[344] The drum rhythms typically generate a kase ("break"), which the master drummer will initiate to oppose the main rhythm being played by the rest of the drummers. This is seen as having a destabilizing effect on the dancers and helping to facilitate their possession.[345] Drumming is typically accompanied by singing,[340] usually in Haitian Creole,[346] although sometimes in Fon or Yoruba.[347] These songs are often structured around a call and response, with a soloist singing a line and the chorus responding with either the same line or an abbreviated version.[348] The soloist is the oundjenikon, who maintains the rhythm with a rattle.[349] Lyrically simple and repetitive, these songs are invocations to summon a lwa.[340] Dancing also plays a major role in ritual,[350] utilising the rhythm of the drummers.[348] The dances are simple, lacking complex choreography, and usually involve the dancers moving counterclockwise around the poto mitan.[351] Specific dance movements can indicate the lwa or their nanchon being summoned;[352] dances for Agwe for instance imitate swimming motions.[353] Vodouists believe that the lwa renew themselves through the vitality of the dancers.[354] Spirit possession Drummer Frisner Augustin in a Vodou ceremony in Brooklyn, New York City during the early 1980s. Spirit possession is important,[355] being central to many Vodou rituals.[85] The person being possessed is called the chwal (horse);[356] the act of possession is termed "mounting a horse".[357] Vodou teaches that both male and female lwa can possess either men or women.[358] Although children are often present at these ceremonies,[359] they are rarely possessed as it is considered too dangerous.[360] Some individuals attending the dance will put a certain item, often wax, in their hair or headgear to prevent possession.[361] While the specific drums and songs used are designed to encourage a specific lwa to possess someone, sometimes an unexpected lwa appears and takes possession instead.[362] The possession trance is termed the kriz lwa.[343] Vodouists believe that the lwa enters the head of the chwal and displaces their gwo bon anj,[363] making the chwal tremble and convulse.[364] As their consciousness has been removed from their head during the possession, Vodouists believe that the chwal will have no memory of the incident.[365] The length of the possession varies, often lasting a few hours but sometimes several days.[366] Sometimes a succession of lwa possess the same individual, one after the other.[367] Possession may end with the chwal collapsing in a semi-conscious state,[368] being left physically exhausted.[354] Once the lwa possesses an individual, the congregation greet it with a burst of song and dance.[354] The chwal will typically bow before the officiating priest or priestess and prostrate before the poto mitan.[369] The chwal is often escorted into an adjacent room where they are dressed in clothing associated with the possessing lwa. Alternatively, the clothes are brought out and they are dressed in the peristil itself.[358] These costumes and props help the chwal take on the appearance of the lwa;[348] many ounfò have a large wooden phallus used by those possessed by Gede lwa, for instance.[370] Once the chwal has been dressed, congregants kiss the floor before them.[358] The chwal adopts the behavior of the possessing lwa;[371] their performance can be very theatrical.[362] Those believing themselves possessed by the serpent Danbala, for instance, often slither on the floor, dart out their tongue, and climb the posts of the peristil.[126] Those possessed by Zaka, lwa of agriculture, will dress as a peasant in a straw hat with a clay pipe and will often speak in a rustic accent.[372] The chwal will often join in with the dances,[354] eat or drink.[348] Sometimes the lwa, through the chwal, will engage in financial transactions with members of the congregation, for instance by selling them food that has been given as an offering or lending them money.[373] Possession facilitates direct communication between Vodouists and the lwa;[354] through the chwal, the lwa communicates with their devotees, offering counsel, chastisement, blessings, warnings about the future, and healing.[374] Lwa possession has a healing function, with the possessed individual expected to reveal possible cures to the ailments of those assembled.[354] Clothing that the chwal touches is regarded as bringing luck.[375] The lwa may also offer advice to the individual they are possessing; because the latter is not believed to retain any memory of the events, it is expected that other members of the congregation will pass along the lwa's message.[375] In some instances, practitioners have reported being possessed at other times of ordinary life, such as when someone is in the middle of the market,[376] or when they are asleep.[377] Divination A common form of divination employed by oungan and manbo is to invoke a lwa into a pitcher, where it will then be asked questions.[378] Other forms of divination used by Vodouists include the casting of shells,[378] cartomancy,[379] studying leaves, coffee grounds or cinders in a glass, or looking into a candle flame.[380] A form of divination associated especially with Petwo lwa is the use of a gembo shell, sometimes with a mirror attached to one side and affixed at both ends to string. The string is twirled and the directions of the shell used to interpret the responses of the lwa.[378] Healing A pakèt kongo on display in the Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen in the Netherlands Healing plays an important role in Vodou.[381] A client will approach a manbo or oungan complaining of illness or misfortune and the latter will use divination to determine the cause and select a remedy.[382] Manbo and oungan typically have a wide knowledge of plants and their medicinal uses.[186] When collecting plants they are expected to show them respect, for instance by leaving coins in payment for removing leaves.[383] To heal, Vodou specialists often prescribe baths, consisting of water infused with various ingredients,[384] or produce powders for a specific purpose, such as to attract good luck or aid seduction.[385] Alternatively, they may create a material object infused with spirits or medicines, a wanga,[386] although these can also be devoted to harmful purposes.[387] Manbo and oungan often provide talismans,[388] called a pwen (point),[389] travay (work),[390] travay maji (magic work),[391] pakèt or pakèt kongo.[392] The latter term highlights the potential influence of the Bakongo minkisi on these Haitian ritual creations.[393] In Haiti, oungan or manbo may advise their clients to seek assistance from medical professionals, while the latter may also send their patients to see an oungan or manbo.[232] Although in the late 20th century there were concerns that the Haitian reliance on oungan and manbo was contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS,[394] by the early 21st century, various NGOs and other groups were working on bringing Vodou officiants into the broader campaign against the virus.[395] In Haiti, there are also doktè fèy ("herb doctors"; "leaf doctors") who offer herbal remedies for ailments but deal in fewer problems than oungan and manbo.[396] Harming practices Vodou teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate many problems.[397] It holds that humans can cause supernatural harm to others, either unintentionally or deliberately,[398] in the latter case exerting power over a person through possession of hair or nail clippings belonging to them.[399] Vodouists also often believe that supernatural harm can be caused by other entities. The lougawou (werewolf) is a human, usually female, who transforms into an animals and drains blood from sleeping victims,[400] while members of the Bizango secret society are feared for their reputed ability to transform into dogs, in which form they walk the streets at night.[401] An individual who turns to the lwa to harm others is a choché,[182] or a bòkò,[402] although this latter term can also refer to an oungan generally.[182] They are described as someone who sert des deux mains ("serves with both hands"),[403] or is travaillant des deux mains ("working with both hands").[218] As the good lwa have rejected them as unworthy, bòko are believed to work with lwa achte ("bought lwa"),[404] spirits that will work for anyone who pays them,[405] and often members of the Petwo nanchon.[406] According to Haitian popular belief, bòkò engage in anvwamò ("expeditions"), setting the dead against an individual to cause the latter's sudden illness and death,[407] and utilise baka, malevolent spirits sometimes in animal form.[408] In Haiti, there is much suspicion and censure toward those suspected of being bòkò.[218] The curses of the bòkò are believed to be countered by the oungan and manbo, who can revert the curse through an exorcism that incorporates invocations of protective lwa, massages, and baths.[409] In Haiti, some oungan and manbo have been accused of working with a bòkò, arranging for the latter to curse individuals so that they can financially profit from removing these curses.[218] Funerals, the dead, and zonbis A cross in a Haitian cemetery, photographed in 2012. The crucifix is central to the iconography of the Gede; the Baron La Croix is a public crucifix associated with Baron Samedi, chief of the Gede.[410] Vodou features complex funerary customs.[411] Following an individual's death, the desounen ritual frees the gwo bonnanj from their body and disconnects them from their tutelary lwa.[412] The corpse is then bathed in a herbal infusion by an individual termed the benyè, who gives the dead person messages to take with them.[413] A wake, the veye, follows.[414] The body is then buried in the cemetery,[415] often according to Roman Catholic custom.[416] In northern Haiti, an additional rite takes place at the ounfò on the day of the funeral, the kase kanari (breaking of the clay pot). In this, a jar is washed in substances including kleren, placed within a trench dug into the peristil floor, and smashed. The trench is then refilled.[417] The night after the funeral, the novena takes place at the home of the deceased, involving Roman Catholic prayers;[418] a mass for them is held a year after death.[419] Vodouists fear the dead's ability to harm the living;[420] it is believed that the deceased may for instance punish their living relatives if the latter fail to appropriately mourn them.[421] Many Vodouists believe that a practitioner's spirit dwells in the land of Ginen, located at the bottom of a lake or river, for a year and a day.[422] A year and a day after death, the wete mò nan dlo ("extracting the dead from the waters of the abyss") ritual may take place, in which the deceased's gwo bonnanj is reclaimed from the realm of the dead and placed into a clay jar or bottle called the govi. Now ensconced in the world of the living, the gwo bonnanj of this ancestor is deemed capable of assisting its descendants and guiding them with its wisdom.[423] Practitioners sometimes believe that failing to conduct this ritual can result in misfortune, illness, and death for the family of the deceased.[424] Offerings then given to this spirit of the dead are termed manje mò.[425] The notion of a spirit being encased in a vessel and then used for workings likely derives from Bakongo influences,[426] and has similarities with the Bakongo-derived Palo religion from Cuba.[427] Haitian skulls at the Ethnographic Museum in Berlin. In Vodou, human skulls may be used either for sorcery or for healing.[428] Another belief about the dead, that of zombis, is one of the most sensationalized aspects of Haitian religion.[429] Zonbi are often regarded as the gwo bonnanj of the recently deceased that have been captured and forced to work for their master.[430] The gwo bonnanj may then be kept inside a bottle or other vessel.[431] The practice is often linked to Chanpwèl (secret societies), which are suspected of murdering the individual they wish to turn into a zonbi.[432] To achieve this, they may obtain the bones of a deceased person, especially their skull, sometimes by bribing cemetery workers;[433] the skull will often be baptised, given food, and set a particular task to specialise in, such as healing a specific malady.[46] Those intending to take a gwo bonnanj as a zonbi may have to borrow or buy them from Baron Samedi.[434] An alternative idea in Haitian lore is that it is the body that is turned into a zonbi,[435] in which case a bòkò has seized an individual's ti bonnanj and left the body as an empty vessel that can be manipulated.[436] The reality of this phenomenon is contested,[434] although the anthropologist Wade Davis argued that this was based on a real practice whereby Bizango societies used poisons to make certain individuals more pliant.[437] Haitians generally do not fear zombis, but rather fear becoming one themselves.[436] The figure of the zombi has also been interpreted as a metaphor for the enslavement central to Haitian history.[438] Festival and pilgrimage Vodouists washing in a river following a ceremony; photographed in Haiti in 2010 On the saints' days of the Roman Catholic calendar, Vodouists often hold "birthday parties" for the lwa associated with the saint whose day it is.[439] These are marked with special altars for the celebrated lwa,[440] as well as the preparation of their preferred food.[441] Devotions to the Gede are particularly common around the days of the dead, All Saints (1 November) and All Souls (2 November),[442] with celebrations largely taking place in the cemeteries of Port-au-Prince.[443] At this festival, those devoted to the Gede dress in black and purple, with funeral frock coats, black veils, and top hats, all linking to the Gede's associations with death.[444] The build-up to Easter sees Rara bands, largely consisting of peasants and the urban poor, process through the streets singing and dancing.[445] Each Rara band is considered to be under the patronage of a particular lwa, holding a contract with them that typically lasts seven years.[446] Performing Rara is regarded as a service to the lwa,[447] and some Rara leaders claim that a lwa instructed them to form their band.[448] An oungan will typically be part of the Rara band and will oversee their religious obligations, for instance performing rituals during their procession,[449] or providing members with a benyen protective bath before they perform.[450] They may also attempt to curse or poison rival Rara bands.[451] Pilgrimage is part of Haitian religious culture.[452] In late July, Vodouist pilgrims visit Plaine du Nord near Bwa Caiman, where according to legend the Haitian Revolution began. There, sacrifices are made and pilgrims immerse themselves in the twou (mud pits).[453] The pilgrims often mass before the Church of Saint Jacques, with Saint Jacques perceived as being the lwa Ogou.[454] Another pilgrimage site is Saint d'Eau, a mountain associated with the lwa Èzili Dantò.[455] Pilgrims visit a site outside the town of Ville-Bonheur where Èzili is claimed to have once appeared; there, they bathe under waterfalls.[456] Haitian pilgrims commonly wear coloured ropes around their head or waist;[452] a tradition that may derive from a Bakongo custom, kanga ("to tie"), during which sacred objects were bound with rope.[457] History Before the Revolution Area of West African Vodun practice, the religion with the greatest influence on Haitian Vodou In 1492, Christopher Columbus' expedition established a Spanish colony on Hispaniola.[458] A growing European presence decimated the island's indigenous population, which was probably Taíno, both through introduced diseases and exploitation as laborers.[459] The European colonists then turned to imported West African slaves as a new source of labor; Africans first arrived on Hispaniola circa 1512.[460] Most of the enslaved were prisoners of war.[461] Some were probably priests of traditional religions, helping to transport their rites to the Americas.[461] Others were probably Muslim, although Islam exerted little influence on Vodou,[462] while some probably practiced traditional religions that had already absorbed Roman Catholic iconographic influences.[463] By the late 16th century, French colonists were settling in western Hispaniola; Spain recognized French sovereignty over that part of the island, which became Saint-Domingue, in a series of treaties signed in 1697.[464] Moving away from its previous subsistence economy, in the 18th century Saint-Domingue refocused its economy around the mass export of indigo, coffee, sugar, and cocoa to Europe.[465] To work the plantations, the French colonists placed a renewed emphasis on importing enslaved Africans; whereas there were twice as many Africans as Europeans in the colony in 1681, by 1790 there were eleven times as many Africans as Europeans.[466] Ultimately, Saint-Domingue became the colony with the largest number of slaves in the Caribbean.[467] The Code Noir issued by King Louis XIV in 1685 forbade the open practice of African religions on Saint-Domingue.[468] This Code compelled slave-owners to have their slaves baptised and instructed as Roman Catholics;[469] the fact that the process of enslavement led to these Africans becoming Christian was a key way in which the slave-owners sought to morally legitimate their actions.[470] However, many slave-owners took little interest in having their slaves instructed in Roman Catholic teaching;[470] they often did not want their slaves to spend time celebrating saints' days rather than laboring and were also concerned that black congregations could provide scope to foment revolt.[471] Enslavement destroyed the social fabric of African traditional religions, which were typically rooted in ethnic and family membership.[472] Although certain cultural assumptions about the nature of the universe would have been widely shared among the enslaved Africans, they came from diverse linguistic and ethno-cultural backgrounds and had to forge common cultural practices on Hispaniola.[473] Gradually over the course of the 18th century, Vodou emerged as "a composite of various African ethnic traditions", merging diverse practices into a more cohesive form.[474] African religions had to be practiced secretly, with Roman Catholic iconography and rituals probably used to conceal the true identity of the deities venerated.[146] This resulted in a system of correspondences between African spirits and Roman Catholic saints.[146] Afro-Haitians adopted other aspects of French colonial culture;[475] Vodou drew influence from European grimoires,[476] commedia performances,[477] and Freemasonry, with Masonic lodges having been established across Saint-Domingue in the 18th century.[478] Vodou rituals took place in secret, usually at night; one such rite was described during the 1790s by a white man, Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry.[479] Some enslaved Afro-Haitians escaped to form Maroon groups, which often practiced Vodou.[480] The Haitian Revolution and the 19th century The Affaire de Bizoton of 1864. The murder and alleged cannibalization of a child by eight Vodou devotees caused a scandal worldwide and was taken as proof of the evil nature of Vodou. In Haitian lore, Vodou is often presented as having played a vital role in the Haitian Revolution,[21] although scholars debate the extent to which this is true.[481] According to legend, a Vodou ritual took place in Bois-Caïman on 14 August 1791 at which the participants swore to overthrow the slave owners before massacring local whites and sparking the Revolution.[482] Although a popular tale in Haitian folklore, it has no historical evidence to support it.[483] Moreover, two of the revolution's early leaders, Boukman and Francois Mackandal, were reputed to be powerful oungans.[484] Amid growing rebellion, the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte ordered troops into the colony in 1801,[485] but in 1803 the French conceded defeat and the rebel leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines proclaimed Saint-Domingue to be a new republic named Haiti.[486] The Revolution broke up the large land-ownings and created a society of small subsistence farmers.[487] Haitians largely began living in lakous, or extended family compounds, which enabled the preservation of African-derived Creole religions.[488] These lakous often had their own lwa rasin (root lwa),[489] being intertwined with concepts of land and kinship.[490] Many Roman Catholic missionaries had been killed in the Revolution,[491] and after its victory Dessalines declared himself head of the Church in Haiti.[491] Protesting these actions, the Roman Catholic Church cut ties with Haiti in 1805;[492] this allowed Vodou to predominate in the country.[493] Many churches left abandoned were adopted for Vodou rites, continuing the syncretization between the two systems.[494] At this point, with no new arrivals from Africa, Vodou began to stabilise,[495] transforming from "a widely-scattered series of local cults" into "a religion".[496] The Roman Catholic Church re-established its formal presence in Haiti in 1860.[493] Haiti's first three presidents sought to suppress Vodou, using police to break-up rituals which they feared as a source of rebellion.[497] In 1847, Faustin Soulouque became president; he was sympathetic to Vodou and allowed it to be practiced more openly.[498] In the Bizoton Affair of 1863, several Vodou practitioners were accused of ritually killing a child before eating it. Historical sources suggest that they may have been tortured prior to confessing to the crime, at which they were executed.[499] The affair received much attention.[499] 20th century to the present Haitian President François Duvalier called Vodou "the supreme factor of Haitian unity".[500] The United States occupied Haiti between 1915 and 1934,[501] although faced armed resistance from Haitian peasants, many of them Vodouists.[502] American occupation encouraged international interest in Vodou,[503] something catered for in the sensationalist writings of Faustin Wirkus, William Seabrook, and John Craige,[504] as well as in Vodou-themed shows for tourists.[505] The period also saw the growing influence of the Roman Catholic Church,[506] and in 1941 the Church backed Operation Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), a government campaign to expunge Vodou, during which many ounfòs were destroyed.[507] Violent responses from Vodouists led President Élie Lescot to abandon the Operation.[508] During the occupation, the indigénisme (indigenist) movement developed among Haiti's middle classes, later transmogrifying into the international Négritude movement. These encouraged a more positive assessment of Vodou and peasant culture, a trend supported by the appearance of professional ethnological research on the topic from the 1930s onward.[509] Church influence in Haiti was curtailed by François Duvalier, the country's president from 1957 to 1971.[510] Although he restored Catholicism as the state religion, Duvalier was widely perceived as a champion of Vodou,[511] calling it "the supreme factor of Haitian unity".[500] He utilized it for his own purposes, encouraging rumors about his own supernatural powers,[512] and selecting oungans as his chefs-de-sections (rural section chiefs).[513] After his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier, was ousted from office in 1986, there were attacks on Vodouists perceived to have supported the Duvaliers, partly motivated by Protestant anti-Vodou campaigns; practitioners called this violence the Dechoukaj ('uprooting').[514] Two groups, the Zantray and Bode Nasyonal, were formed to defend the rights of Vodouists and hold rallies.[515] Haiti's 1987 constitution enshrined freedom of religion,[516] after which President Jean-Bertrand Aristide granted Vodou official recognition in 2003,[517] thus allowing Vodouists to officiate at civil ceremonies such as weddings and funerals.[518] A Vodou ceremony taking place at the National Black Theatre in New York City in 2017 Since the 1990s, evangelical Protestantism has grown in Haiti, generating tensions with Vodouists.[47] These Protestants regard Vodou as Satanic,[519] and unlike the Roman Catholic authorities have generally refused to compromise with its practitioners.[520] The 2010 Haiti earthquake fuelled conversion from Vodou to Protestantism,[521] with many Protestants claiming that the earthquake was punishment for the sins of the Haitian population, including their practice of Vodou.[522] Mob attacks on Vodouists followed in the wake of the earthquake,[523] and again following the 2010 cholera outbreak.[524] The first three decades of the 20th century saw growing Haitian migration to eastern Cuba, introducing Vodou to the island.[525] From 1957, many Haitians emigrated to escape Duvalier, taking Vodou with them.[526] In the U.S., Vodou has attracted non-Haitians, especially African Americans and Caribbean migrants,[406] and has syncretized with other religions like Santería and Spiritism.[406] During the latter half of the 20th century, those seeking to revive Louisiana Voodoo initiated practices that brought the religion closer to Haitian Vodou or Santería than it had been early in that century.[527] Demographics Many Vodouists interpret Haiti's flag through their own theology; in this view, the blue is for Ezili Dantò, and the red for Ogou Feray.[528] Vodou is the majority religion of Haiti,[529] for most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism.[47] An often used joke about Haiti holds that the island's population is 85% Roman Catholic, 15% Protestant, and 100% Vodou.[530] Even some of those who reject Vodou acknowledge its close associations with Haitian identity.[21] It is difficult to determine how many Haitians practice Vodou, largely because the country has never had an accurate census and many Vodouists will not openly admit they practice the religion.[531] Among the country's middle and upper-classes, for instance, many individuals publicly decry Vodou yet privately practice it.[532] Estimates have nevertheless been made; one suggested that 80% of Haitians practice Vodou,[533] while in 1992, Desmangles put the number of Haitian practitioners at six million.[534] Not all take part in the religion regularly, but many will turn to Vodou priests and priestesses when in times of need.[535] Vodouists learn about the religion by taking part in its rituals,[536] with children learning by observing adults.[272] Vodou does not focus on proselytizing;[537] according to Brown, it has "no pretensions to the universal."[529] It has nevertheless spread beyond Haiti, including to other Caribbean islands like the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, as well as to France and the United States.[538] Major ounfòs exist in U.S. cities such as Miami, New York City, Washington, DC, Boston, and Oakland, California.[539] Reception and legacy Various scholars describe Vodou as one of the world's most maligned and misunderstood religions.[540] Throughout Haitian history, Christians have often presented Vodou as Satanic,[541] while in broader Anglophone and Francophone society it has been widely associated with sorcery, witchcraft, and black magic.[542] In U.S. popular culture, for instance, Haitian Vodou is usually portrayed as destructive and malevolent,[543] attitudes often linked with anti-black racism.[75] Non-practitioners have often depicted Vodou in literature, theater, and film;[544] in many cases, such as the films White Zombie (1932) and London Voodoo (2004), these promote sensationalist views of the religion.[545] The lack of any central Vodou authority has hindered efforts to combat these negative representations.[546] Humanity's relationship with the lwa has been a recurring theme in Haitian art,[327] and the Vodou pantheon was a major topic for the mid-20th century artists of the "Haitian Renaissance."[547] In the late 1950s, art collectors began to take an interest in Vodou ritual paraphernalia and by the 1970s an established market for this material had emerged.[548] Exhibits of Vodou ritual material have been displayed abroad; the Fowler Museum's exhibit on "Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou" for instance traveled the U.S. for three years in the 1990s.[549] Vodou has appeared in Haitian literature,[550] and has also influenced Haitian music, as with the rasin band Boukman Eksperyans,[551] while theatre troupes have performed simulated Vodou rituals for audiences outside Haiti.[552] Documentaries focusing on Vodou have appeared[553]—such as Maya Deren's 1985 film Divine Horsemen[554][555] or Anne Lescot and Laurence Magloire's 2002 work Of Men and Gods[556]—which have in turn encouraged some viewers to take a practical interest in the religion.[557]
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